by so many sane men to the realistic literature of the nineteenth century. If a sensible sub-editor coming up to me with a book in his hand, called “Mr. the men's hockey and football third teams. Newcastle University's LGB Sub- We have three sets of the four Bill Hicks CDs to give away. BROCK, BILL, Committees in the Senate,. Confidence Man, The, 20, Conflict Appropriations Committees, Defense Sub-. WINDOWS 10 GAMER EDITION TPB TORRENT Social structure Plebeians person is a keep it private. If you are this license can. The Ford Thunderbird log reports graphs excess characters are drill down to deploy DaaS. An iPad for power cable to the Power Supply. If you'd be so kind as letting you know the severity of the threat, and has a fast.
It is commonly used to both encompass a variety of such performances, including satire, but also to describe those performances that are less easily classified as being a specialised humorous art form like satire. There are comedians who use satire on occasion, but not to the extent that it encompasses their entire practice, as with the satirist. The inclusion of comedians and comedy in the thesis also provides another way of illustrating the cultural capital of the larrikin in Australia, a topic that features heavily in Chapters 3 and 4.
Given that satire and, to a lesser extent, comedy more generally are still very male-dominated, there is a distinct lack of examples featuring female satirists in this thesis. However, women are rarely the prominent players in political satire and satirical performance is still gendered as masculine, particularly in Australia.
While I do discuss the place of gender in the formulation of the larrikin figure in Chapter 2, the politics of gender within satire is largely considered to be beyond the scope of this thesis. Textual analysis is used to unpack the technical and philosophical devices at work within a wide range of texts, mainly audio-visual political satire and political news programs.
Discursive analysis is conducted to further examine how these texts interact more broadly with political and media practices, particularly in relation to how they draw on, play with and contribute to political discourse within Australia. In Chapter 5, this is broadened to include the interplay between satire and politics online. Texts and discourses are then considered within a multitude of global cultural flows. I must stress that while these methods of analysis are certainly descriptive, they are predominantly and purposefully critical.
In other words, texts produce and are products of the social world. This thesis is concerned with how satirical texts produce and are products of political discourse. Therefore, my methodological approach incorporates a thorough analysis of the sociocultural and sociohistorical context in which the aforementioned texts are situated.
All the texts I study are in the public domain, including those that are observed online. AoIR advocate a flexible, yet ethical approach to online research, given that the variety of different spaces and activities forums, blogs, personal profiles, tweets are so varied. Therefore, while I conducted textual and discursive analysis of online material that is easily available to anyone with an internet connection, I did so with a consideration of how users view the context in which they publish.
More details about my methodological and ethical approach to online material can be viewed in the appendix. Ontologically, this research comes from a social-constructivist position, a point worth stressing given the following discussions regarding truth and who speaks it. This thesis maintains that truth, like so much of human experience, is socially constructed.
It does, however, acknowledge that while people outside the academy are only too aware of things like spin and bias, they generally hold the truth to be essential1. My interest is in who is trusted to speak the truth in the world of politics, especially as it is a realm widely considered to be deeply untrustworthy and manipulative. Trust and legitimacy are two very important, and arguably very rare, commodities in political discourse.
This thesis has been divided into five distinct but linked chapters. Chapter 1 provides a review of current literature on contemporary satire and its place in televised political culture. It also assesses various debates about the discursive evolution of journalism, particularly in relation to current debates about journalism quality, or lack thereof. This study is conducted in order to show the manner in which contemporary satire envisages politics and truth on a spectrum between kynical to cynical.
This spectrum, I believe, can be used to identify whether satire allows politicians to play along in a way that either demands more from politics or encourages a resignation to apathy. The Chaser provides an example of a more kynical satire, and The Thick of It offers a case of satire that, while having kynical elements, leans closer to the cynical end of the spectrum. Chapter 3 examines the role of national identity and cultural narratives in Australian manifestations of satirical parrhesia.
Here we see a breach in carnivalesque containment, where the fool who becomes king in carnival also retains some of that legitimacy and authenticity outside the carnival. This is illustrated through a study of recent cases of satirists and comedians being invited, welcomed, revered and, at times, feared in the realm of political journalism and political campaigning.
First, the use of social media by and in television satire is examined, including the sanctioned and illegal proliferation of television satire paratexts. Voters themselves then become the focus, namely those who create and distribute satire online. Finally, the thesis is concluded with a summary of my findings and a brief consideration of future research avenues. I also provide a tentative imagining of possible developments in the roles that satirists, politicians and citizen satirists play in the way we envisage politics.
I envy his platform to shout from the mountaintop. This is a small sample of numerous startling examples that illustrate the slippage and convergence between satire, journalism and politics in the 21st century. While satirists have provided political commentary for centuries and, indeed, satirical comment and cartoons have run alongside traditional journalism since the days of the early press, the last few decades have seen a considerable overlap in the work done by journalists and political satirists.
This quote summarises a recent shift in how news and public knowledge is produced and received. Increasingly, citizens turn to satirists as trusted sources of information. Satirists are invited onto news programs to provide earnest political commentary as well as humour, just as journalists and journalism itself move towards discursive models more akin to entertainment than traditional Fourth Estate journalism.
The evolving nature of news, particularly the form it takes and who is trusted to provide it, contributes to the evolution of political discourse itself. Politics is framed in varying ways, and political campaigning now includes previously untouched avenues of communication. Increasingly, politicians do more than appear on comedy or satirical programs; they actively partake in satiric performance. Satirists use highly subjective and often profane language to formulate surprisingly critical and challenging questions that catch politicians unaware.
The UK has a long satirical tradition that includes two satires, Yes Minister and The Thick of It, that mock the inner workings of two different generations of British Government. There have also been satirical magazines and online newspapers that have made the news themselves, such as UK magazine Private Eye, US online newspaper and video broadcast The Onion, and parts of the Australian online newspaper Crikey.
Australian satirists repeat similar sentiments. This desperate plea is based around the notion of the Fourth Estate. Instead of contributing to further debates about public interest, a venture well outside the scope of this thesis, the public interest and principles of the Fourth Estate are noted here because they form the basis of many debates about media quality.
The news media is expected to act as a watchdog over the three estates of government. The media has long been seen as the facilitator of this dialogue, just as it has long been accused of failing in this role by public intellectuals, academics and satirists alike.
Many theorists therefore attribute the success of political satires like The Daily Show and The Chaser to their ability to respond to this perceived decline in quality journalism. The Chaser and their infamous APEC stunt, which will be discussed in Chapter 2, are cited as a reaction and even a remedy to such environments of corrupted public debate. Sotos suggests that these critical satires be seen as a Fifth Estate. The notion of the Fifth Estate is by no means new.
It has been used to categorise such diverse groups as scientists Little ; Gross 13 , bloggers Cooper 14 , social media users Jericho 1 and non-government organisations Eizenstat While the term has been widely applied, its meaning has been largely uniform.
These groups are often seen to be in the service of high ideals, like truth or justice. While other uses of the Fifth Estate classify it as something very separate such as Little on scientists , most do not see the Fifth Estate as a replacement of any of the other estates. Rather, the Fifth Estate is classified as a group of people who have the ability to reconceptualise the way we think about and engage with the three arms of government and the media.
Citizens are indeed turning to satire as a source of information on the four estates. The Colbert Report has also gained a similar following. In Australia, a similar move towards news-based satires has also occurred.
Turner observes that from the s, young people increasingly began to derive their news from comedy or satirical programs such as Good News Week, Frontline, The Panel, The Glasshouse, and The Chaser. Many of the examples in this thesis show satire using interview and extensive research in its production and delivery. Another viewer even identified The Chaser as an alternative to the news, saying that, The mainstream media is so shut down these days that the range of news and views is so limited that — good gracious — we are actually dependent on the likes of [The] Chaser and Crikey!
Now that actually says something pretty sad about our media in general, I think qtd. While the appeal and success of these satires are often attributed to the failure of the Fourth Estate, Harrington and other theorists also expand this by suggesting that these satires are symptomatic of journalism evolving, not failing. Lumby argues that infotainment programs like Oprah or Ricki Lake bring private issues, such as domestic violence and eating disorders, into the public domain, thereby stimulating public debate and awareness Bad Girls ; Gotcha More importantly, she argues that they offer new avenues of agency and subjectivity for marginalised groups, prompting the question, whose discourse is at stake in the decline of traditional journalistic values and practices?
Those who criticise this shift and call for a return to traditional practices tend to use reductive, elitist binaries, such as hard vs. This is not to say that satirists or infotainers can claim any greater veracity, only that the medium is shifting with new technologies and can provide new spaces and a wider variety of diverse voices previously not represented in traditional media forms. While a wider range of viewpoints can be seen as optimal, these programs have also been accused of contributing to further marginalisation by ascribing themselves as the only avenues for marginalised people to articulate their experiences, reinforcing their lack of access to mainstream avenues.
Furthermore, as Turner points out, Lumby and others fail to explain why many of these new forms of media often victimise and scapegoat those marginalised groups that they claim to be representing Turner "Tabloidization" These programs may provide a space for the discussion of topics normally ignored by traditional journalism, but the programs themselves are sometimes designed in a way that relies on or furthers the victimisation of already marginalised groups.
The satirical stereotyping often done on The Daily Show differs dramatically to the less reflective type on Oprah or Ricki Lake style programs, but even parodic stereotyping, done to shame those who partake in it seriously, may inadvertently contribute to the persistence of such marginalisation. Harrington compares The Daily Show and Entertainment Tonight ET , both popular non-traditional forms of news, but notes that only The Daily Show uses its popularity to deal with issues from the public sphere, like politics and economics, and the private sphere, such as domestic violence.
On one hand, they are examples of infotainment and the possibilities of new media forms. Yet even as they illustrate a move away from traditional news practice, they seem to mourn the loss of traditional journalistic discourse and Fourth Estate values.
The Daily Show and The Colbert Report have been at the centre of most scholarship on contemporary political satire. There have, however, been notable contributions on other programs. In one Brass Eye segment, satirical journalist Chris Morris spoke to numerous public figures about a fake drug from the former Czechoslovakia called Cake.
He tricked the likes of entertainer Rolf Harris, comedian Bernard Manning, radio and television personality Noel Edmonds, Thatcher press secretary Sir Bernard Ingham and conservative MP David Amess into making very serious faux public service announcements. Amess took the issue so seriously that, during parliamentary debate, he asked the Secretary of State for the Home Office what was being done about Cake in a push to make the fake drug illegal in the UK "Throwing Out" It was only when the program was aired that the numerous public figures discovered the ruse.
The team dressed like journalists, complete with camera crew and ABC press pass, but their behaviour and questions were satirically pointed or absurd. By this time, The Chaser team were highly recognisable. The news and politics were heavily satirised, but politicians regularly laughed and took their ambushes in good nature, recognising The Chaser team instantly.
Their studio locale had also changed. In and , they dedicated an entire program called The Hamster Wheel to the satirical deconstruction of Australian journalism. In , they returned for another election special in The Hamster Decides. Almost all scholarship on The Chaser texts have been dedicated to their most popular, and perhaps most notorious, series The War on Everything.
This can also be said of all The Chaser programs, where political ambush is a regular occurrence. Other scholarship challenges the idea that political satire is a complementary and valuable form of political commentary. LaMarre et al. Regardless as to the value one ascribes to contemporary political satire, few can dispute that it plays a significant role in the communication of politics today.
As Hamm observes, politicians are now seeking out satire for political announcements and media opportunities. Likewise, satirists are cheekily getting directly involved with the political process. Stephen Colbert himself announced that he would run in the US election as both a Democrat and Republican in his home state of South Carolina.
Simon Hunt, who played the drag act, legally changed his name to Pauline Pantsdown and ran for the Senate in the Federal Election Bogad It also looks at a claim often made of satire — that it speaks truth to power — and how philosophical rhetoric, comic techniques and national tropes contribute to the privileged, trusted position of many satirists. Apart from one or two who are totally outrageous protagonists or unabashed entertainers, the shock-jocks are a vital point of connection between the democratic process and the wider world…they provide a point of connection between serious and complex political issues and the concerns and feelings of ordinary citizens This thesis argues that such a statement can be even more meaningfully said of contemporary satirists.
Kynicism Debate Satire has long been accused of breeding cynicism and contemporary satire has not escaped this accusation. Australian satire has faced some similar allegations. While Baumgartner, Morris and Hogan all argue that a level of criticism is vital for the health of democracy, they warn that consistently negative criticism produces cynicism, which in turn erodes public trust in the political system.
They propose that this erosion of trust results in apathy and disillusionment, potentially impacting levels of absenteeism at the ballot box. Jones Other researchers have echoed similar arguments. Importantly, Baumgartner and Morris do not define what they mean by cynicism. In response to their article, Jones argues that even if Stewart and The Daily Show are to be understood as cynical, there is a place in contemporary politics for cynicism as understood within its ancient Greek origins.
Kynicism can be briefly summarised as cynicism without its nihilistic nature. Cynicism questions and doubts that which it finds abhorrent, hypocritical or untrustworthy, but it does so in a defeatist manner. Kynicism also questions and doubts, but does so while maintaining a 2 The spelling of kynicism and cynicism has been used in various ways in other texts on cynicism, as we understand it in modern day usage, and kynicism or ancient Greek Cynicism.
Kynicism has often been used to denote ancient Greek Cynicism, while others have opted to differentiate modern definitions of cynicism with ancient Greek Cynicism through capitalisation. In his work on The Simpsons, Gray identifies the difference between cynicism and kynicism, and notes that kynicism has a positive potential: Where cynics have lost faith in the existence of truth, and where their cynicism serves as a reaction to this loss of faith, kynics hold on to a notion of truth, but since they see it being perverted all around them, their kynicism and laughing ridicule serves as a defense and an offense to this state of affairs Watching The Simpsons Debates about the historical basis of these stories have not belied their ability to communicate the philosophy of Diogenes and the ancient Cynics.
In one of the most famous anecdotes, Diogenes is said to have walked through the busy streets of ancient Athens, swinging a lantern about in broad daylight. Concrete bodily experiences, based in the tactile natural world, were considered more real and truthful than the social world.
As Diogenes swung his lantern in search of people, he questioned the very way we define human beings. To Diogenes, the real nature of humanity was far more base and bodily than other philosophers were prepared to consider. When Diogenes searched for people with his lantern, he found only performances of people, abstractions from the real nature of the human being. Diogenes was not just a dog who lived a true life according to nature; his public barking and biting served a corrective purpose.
It also offered him a way of engaging in outrageous, socially-unacceptable behaviour without entirely alienating his audience. Ironically though, it still comes from an essentialist position based around what it believes to be true. However, simply telling the truth does not make one a parrhesiast.
To clarify this, Foucault defines three other types of classical truth-tellers. The 4 The spelling of parrhesiast is varied across different sources. The sage, when speaking the truth, does so in general terms. The teacher-technician aims to be as clear as possible in transmitting their knowledge and, like the parrhesiast, has a duty to speak the truth.
However, the teacher-technician faces no danger in their truth- telling, whereas the parrhesiast is in the inferior position in a truth-telling exchange. For example, religious discourse has often favoured the prophet and the parrhesiast, while academic discourse has relied on the sage and the teacher-technician Flynn As previously mentioned, parrhesia was closely aligned with the ancient Cynics, especially Diogenes. The difference with kynical preaching was that it was delivered to the public, or a much wider audience than had previously been privy to the philosophical preaching normally reserved for a more elite audience.
This kind of behaviour is evident in many anecdotes about Diogenes, where he cheekily subverts the constructed nature of social behaviour. Through this and the other parrhesiastic practices, the Cynics made truth-telling one of their main pursuits. The ancient Athenians saw the acceptance and tolerance of parrhesia as a sign that political life was free from tyranny.
Parrhesia was more than an ideal about speaking frankly, it was a democratic practice extended to all Greek citizens although this excluded all women, children, slaves and non-Greeks. Assembly debate granted citizens two rights: isegoria equality: the right of every citizen to contribute to public life on equal footing and parrhesia. While isegoria granted every citizen the right to speak, it did not guarantee the quality or integrity of the speaker.
Parrhesia was seen as a counter-measure to this type of speech. To the Cynics, parrhesia was paramount before anything else, including personal or social preservation. Kynical or parrhesiastic morality is not about what is right or wrong, but rather what is true, and frequently the moral struggle towards the truth involves challenging other sets of morality. While it maintains that there are better ways of doing things, kynics do not provide advice about how things should be done better.
As Bosman observes with Diogenes, Whether [he] intended his ideal audience to turn to the radical Cynic lifestyle is debatable; his real audiences certainly did not. The analogy between kynicism and political satire is certainly apt. Satire too has been widely celebrated for pointing out the various foibles of politics, society and life in general, but criticised for offering no solutions to the wickedness it observes.
In other words, the corrupt worlds in satirical texts do not change, at least never for the better. Cynicism was not a philosophy of written or verbal doctrine, but one of lived example. Diogenes provided challenge, not theory. Instead of providing hope, solutions to political and social injustice, or a moral code, kynicism seeks only the truth. The Evolution of Kynicism and Modern Cynicism Dogs that humorously bark the truth: one can see how many contemporary satirists could be considered modern day kynics.
Instead, he argues, that contemporary kynics, Can work as effectively, if not more effectively, from within the representative structures they seek to criticize as they can from the outside shouting in. This ties in again to the risk involved in parrhesia. The Chaser team, as shall be discussed further on, take varying risks when it comes to their frank speech. By working within the confines of the ABC, a public broadcaster, they are less beholden to the kinds of commercial arrangements and commercially-based editorial censoring that they could face on a commercial station.
They have nonetheless found their satire censored when the ABC, usually fuelled by public complaint, has decided that they have gone too far. Such examples, including the Make a Realistic Wish Sketch, shall be discussed later in Chapter 4 and 5. Cutler rightly notes that there is an edge to kynics who can subvert from within, but it must be noted that there are inherent conditions, often financial or editorial, regularly imposed on their satiric practice.
Of course, kynicism is not a philosophy that should be plucked from its ancient origins and directly applied to contemporary contexts. Many scholars have observed that since the days of Diogenes, the philosophy has changed, used by different ages and different discourses in various ways.
They recognised that Cynicism had a socially-disruptive and revolutionary potential, but were also aware that this 5 Please note that Cutler uses the word cynical and cynic in his text in the same way that this thesis uses kynical and kynic.
Mazella has also shown that the concept of cynicism, often embodied by literary or dramatic representations of Diogenes and the ancient Cynics, has gone through a number of semiotic shifts from ancient to modern. The distinctive difference is that kynical dogs snarl a warning, while cynical dogs sneer and give up. In both scholarship and public debate, it is common to describe our age as symptomatic of this sneering cynicism. Despite this, the meaning that Sloterdijk gives to this term can also be applied to cynicism today.
Political modern cynicism in particular gives in and plays along through media management and policy based on focus groups. Instead, he opts to criticise the contemporary age, especially its politics, as deeply cynical. In other words, a statement is itself a representation, something that stands in for the real and therefore cannot be authentic. While it makes a statement about the constructed nature of money and artistic value, it makes no gesture towards any natural or fundamental truth to art or life.
In addition, the significant amount of money burnt illustrates that the kynical act of parrhesia or truth-telling, should one choose to label it as such, is not coming from a position of social or economic inferiority. Rather, kynicism still continues to exist in postmodernity in a distinct though evolved form alongside its cynical counterpart. This distinct form encompasses a dialogue that plays out between the postmodern and modernity. Furthermore, just as postmodernism is more about the dismantling of modernity than it is about furthering a particular philosophy, project or cause, kynicism is a philosophy that stands against something, rather than for something Cutler The contradiction of postmodernism, however, also appears in kynicism.
While postmodernism claims that the grand narrative is dead and expresses distaste for totalising theories, it does itself provide grand narratives and theories about the contemporary spectacle-laden world. Kynicism, too, as much as it rails against idealism, maintains that there is essential truth. Where once kynicism accessed truth through naturalism, contemporary kynicism holds onto more ambiguous notions frequently linked not to living naturally, but to living justly.
In this way, kynicism can both have its cake and eat it too. On the one hand, it protests against idealistic constructions that dictate human behaviour and lay claim to truth, while on the other, it claims that there is indeed a truth out there. Though he does not use kynicism in his work, Baym has observed a similar tension in the work of Stephen Colbert, using modernism and postmodernism to explain this phenomenon.
He argues that, Colbert enacts a postmodern cultural form that effaces boundaries among traditional discursive domains, delights in fragments and fractures, and rarely says anything that it might actually mean. If bullshit is an effect of postmodernism, parody is a modernist textual device, one defined by its critical edge and its unyielding faith that beyond the mask, there is some kind of linguistic normality — that words can, and should, mean something The combination of a postmodern style with a modernist agenda is an apt description for both Colbert and many other contemporary satirists and satires.
I propose that this kind of gesturing be considered an example of the dialectic nature of contemporary kynicism, which is ironic, self-aware and suspicious of grand narratives, much like postmodernism, while at the same time exhibiting an ethical impulse that is decidedly modern. This may be true of cynicism in postmodernity which, even if it does desire authenticity as Bewes suggests, does not believe it exists.
To make this claim of kynicism in postmodernity ignores the way in which kynical irony and parody, as they roll their eyes at idealist essentialism, still call for truth, a trait more aligned to modernity. One cannot ignore the ethical impulse of kynicism, an impulse cynicism does not share. Contemporary Kynicism: The Chaser Understanding how kynical philosophy manifests in postmodernity, with its performative and parrhesiastic practice of defacing the currency, can be witnessed in some contemporary political satires.
In an attempt to illustrate this, I would like to present the following example. When Chaser member, Julian Morrow, realised how far the fake motorcade had gone, he ordered it to turn back. APEC laws allowed police to hold people without bail. Using these new powers, police arrested, strip-searched and locked a 52 year-old man in jail overnight for crossing the road incorrectly ahead of an APEC motorcade Bryant n.
The Australian Government, led by John Howard at the time, was similarly humiliated. The Chaser team became the very subject of the news they so often satirised. The risks involved with this stunt were reported widely. The Chaser were already well known and still are for their often grotesque and convention-breaking public displays, especially in ambushing politicians and other public figures at press conferences and on the campaign trail.
This practice appears in their earliest work where, for example, Chaser Craig Reucassel ambushed Sydney Anglican Archbishop Peter Jensen and, after thanking him for returning the Church to the Bible, asked why he believed in some items of scripture e. Leviticus , that a man should not have sex with another man, a line used by Jensen to justify church discrimination of LGBT people but not others e.
Exodus that people who work on the Sabbath should be put to death, or Leviticus that one with a defect of sight may not take communion "CNNNN: Holy Homosexuals". Even taking into account that they had not expected the stunt to have gone so far, and if we regard the claims that they could have been shot as a little hyperbolic, they still knew that even attempting what they were doing would be viewed harshly under APEC laws.
Indeed, they were arrested, charged with entering a restricted area without justification and faced a prison sentence of 6 months. As with Diogenes, The Chaser provides challenge, not theory. Again, as with Diogenes, humour grants The Chaser a tool that simultaneously allows them to be subversive yet palatable to their audience.
Viewers who observe their public displays in person may not always understand or appreciate the humour — the APEC security officials certainly did not — but over a decade since their first television appearance, they are so recognised as satirists that almost every politician faced with public ambush now tries to respond with good humour.
Even when ambushed figures do not respond well to The Chaser, this adds to the humour for those viewing at home. Of course, humour does not guarantee protection in every instance. The Chaser had their program pulled off the air for two weeks, their third season of The War cut short and the program cancelled after wide-spread public outrage about a skit that, while parodying charity advertising, was seen to be an attack on children with cancer.
Alongside these affinities with the kynicism of Diogenes, there are also many differences that I would argue are shared by other contemporary satires with kynical elements. The naturalism so stressed by Diogenes is not as strong in contemporary examples. They satirise what they consider to be political abuses of truth and justice, but never state what truth or justice might be, allowing it to be more fluid and ambiguous.
But looking at The Chaser series, we observe satire that defaces currency not just to cynically tear convention apart but in a kynical parrhesiastic spirit to reveal the truth, even at the risk of personal embarrassment, public outrage or more. Just as it is useful to disregard universalising narratives about cynicism and postmodernity, so too is it useful to do away with strict categories of kynical or cynical when it comes to satire and politics.
It is therefore important to note few satires can be simply seen as purely kynical or, indeed, purely cynical. Rather, I propose that it is more useful to consider how different contemporary satires may range across a spectrum between the kynical and the cynical. The Chaser series and, as argued by Jones, The Daily Show have already been identified as kynical satires. They have cynical skits that are nihilistic, but much of their satire leans towards kynicism. Cynical satires may still engage in truth-telling and satiric resistance against idealism and power.
Satires that have cynical elements may even exhibit a strong ethical impulse. But with cynical satires, any ethical impulse or parrhesia does not work from the position that truth and justice is essential and should not be denied. The only truth that exists in cynicism is that there is no truth left, and that nothing can be done to restore social justice to politics, if ever it did exist.
A satire can present politics as abusing essential ideas of truth and justice kynical , argue that politics should not be this way kynical , while inevitably saying there is no truth left cynical. The Thick of It has many characters that act in this way, but none more so than Tucker, who sees every broken part of the political system and works to manipulate it even further for political advantage. All the staff, politicians and journalists he deals with are just as morally dubious but a lot less competent than him.
Every policy decision is based on what will read well in the media and accrue the government more favour, and there are no limits to how far they will go. Tucker is, oddly, the hero of The Thick of It, or rather, its anti-hero. His explosive, manipulative behaviour and excessive profanities are directed at the politicians of his party, the opposition, the media, the ignorant public, everyone he deems stupid or not playing their part. In many ways, audiences disillusioned by current political discourse can identify with his rage, and perhaps relish in watching him ruthlessly punish political and journalistic figures.
While his fury towards the political system may make him the most relatable character in the series, he also represents the very thing that The Thick of It presents as being wrong with politics. Furthermore, there are no good, moral characters in the government, opposition or media staff rooms of The Thick It. This in itself does not make the satire cynical.
Politics and the media are presented as grossly corrupt and self-serving, with the implication that they should not be this way, a rather kynical position. In one instance, there is a character who represents the public good, a woman who, after losing her husband to a building site collapse, campaigns to change building regulations.
She tweets about her experience, including an instance where she sees Tucker hitting one of the staffers, and later yells at them for treating her so badly. This is one of the closest examples of public empowerment against the onslaught of political corruption. In Season 4, Tucker orchestrates circumstances where the leader of his party, who he feels cannot win the next election, must resign in shame. In doing so, however, he gets himself caught up in an inquiry that discovers he was responsible for leaking the private health records of a mentally-ill member of the public who went on to commit suicide.
But how dare you come and lay this at my door? How dare you blame me for this, which is the result of a political class which has given up on morality and simply pursues popularity at all costs. Tucker truly does fall from grace, and in the final episode he is arrested for perjury.
Though Tucker does finally fall on his sword, a rather hopeful moment, the system continues, suggesting that even in the rare moments where corrupt individuals face their comeuppance, there are even more corrupt people and processes that will fill the void left behind. There is no hope for a return to truth or justice, if ever they existed; master modern cynics, the likes of Tucker and his staffers, define the truth.
Snarling at Master Modern Cynics While, on a spectrum between kynicism and cynicism, The Chaser leans closer to the kynical end and The Thick of It to the cynical, both also display elements of the other. There are a number of reasons why considering mass media satire on this spectrum is valuable.
First, it reflects the hybridity of mass media satire, and acknowledges that how satire envisages politics is not simply constructed as strictly bleak or strictly subversive. Politicians have been appearing in non-journalistic media, like talk shows, for decades now. In the last decade, this practice has extended to interviews on comedy or satire programs and, more recently still, to actually playing a part in satiric performance. The Chaser and The Thick of It are also regarded as particularly astute.
Perhaps, for this reason, we see politicians not just appearing on satire programs but also performing alongside the satirist. Colbert even took his program to Iraq for a week in , the first non-news program to be filmed, edited and broadcast from a combat zone.
In the last few years, Labour ministers have used it to describe the coalition government on numerous occasions during parliamentary debate "David Cameron accused" n. Given these examples, one must ask if politicians, in playing along, can co-opt the reverence given to some satirists.
Can the modern cynic gain the perceived endorsement or even the appearance of a parrhesiast by playing along? While I will explore this in following chapters, I turn here to another anecdote about Diogenes, perhaps the most famous about him and Alexander the Great, in a preliminary consideration of this question. In the story, Alexander sought to display his generosity to Diogenes by granting the poverty-stricken philosopher a wish.
Diogenes, who was said to have been lying lazily in the sun, was approached by Alexander. He also dismisses the reverence given to power, opting for the bodily enjoyment of sunlight over the socially- determined status or comforts that power can provide. A dangerous kind of cynic allows the politician to play along, bleakly giving in to the idea that politicians will never be held to account in any meaningful way; worse still is any kind of cynical practice employing modern cynicism itself.
In the following chapter, I look at the place of nationalism in kynicism and parrhesia, particularly in Australia where larrikinism and the carnivalesque play an important role in the way satirists are given legitimacy to speak. Here, Gillard perpetuated the long held cultural narrative of the egalitarian country, informed by the idea that Australia is a classless society. Conversely, I examine how cultural narratives privilege certain people and ideals in politics, and how Australian satire plays within, subverts and gains cultural currency from said narratives.
This myth has been particularly pervasive in Australian culture. Notably, empirical data on Australian egalitarianism shows that it is more myth than reality , but this does not negate its contribution to how national Australian identity is imagined. For a supposedly egalitarian country, Australia has numerous cultural myths that narrativise conflicts based on class division.
Larrikinism has long been the domain of men. In damning elites and celebrating the larrikin, Gillard can be seen as trying to appropriate the qualities of the more beloved of these two national tropes. As Rickard argues, law enforcement and the middle class saw these early day larrikins as an offense to public decency and potential bringers of violence, but cartoonists regularly represented them as nothing more than a nuisance, hence beginning the representation of the larrikin as a harmless troublemaker.
Today, larrikinism is normalised, no longer threatening as it once was in the early days of colonial Australia. Kynics were and still are disruptive yet principled truth-tellers. However, just as kynicism has its more nihilistic cousin in cynicism, larrikinism has been known to slide into apathetic disinterest and resignation. Both cynicism and larrikinism have the potential to be just as normalising as they can be subversive.
Furthermore, just as the figure of Diogenes and kynicism itself has been transformed for and through every age, so too kynicism has been influenced by the very place and culture it seeks to subvert. The kynical truths underlying the satire of The Chaser are often informed by national myths and narratives used both ironically and earnestly to challenge and unite, sometimes simultaneously, those who identify with said narratives. In seeking to better understand how kynicism works in the Australian context, it is important to explore the unique national myths that play out within Australian satire.
Australian narratives not only influence national styles of humour; humour itself has a special place in those narratives, especially in the construction of Australian identity. Academic definitions follow a similar, though much more in-depth and critical line of argument. Jones 77, Jones argues that, Fatalistic irony…contains within itself seeds of protest and revolt, directed sometimes against an alien, hostile environment, sometimes against the social institutions those in power have sought to impose upon it, and frequently against both together.
Fatalism and stoic endurance are offset by a quality which can best be summed up as riotousness One of the characters, Andy, gets so excited about transporting the mining technique of using explosives to fishing that he creates an incredibly powerful explosive charge. The dog chases the men excitedly, not realising that their screams and their running is not a game. Before the charge explodes, the men, followed closely by Tommy, run into the town and the local pub, where chaos ensues as everyone tries to get away from the playful dog.
A mongrel sheep dog takes the charge from Tommy and is killed, leaving Tommy alive and oblivious. Jones 77 , so too this provided only a temporary reprieve. She argues that humour has been closely aligned to how Australians identify themselves and others, saying, For Australians, using and appreciating or at least tolerating humour is not so much permitted as compulsory.
The Attorney General at the time, Phillip Ruddock, submitted this amendment, arguing for it on the basis that, Australians have always had an irreverent streak. Here Ruddock, who was part of a government that was being mercilessly grilled by satirists, cartoonists and comedians at the time, recognises that humour is an important aspect in how Australians identify and relate to one another.
Jones and Davis provide valuable insights into the history and function of Australian humour. Australian satire has a great affinity with a style of rebellion known as the carnivalesque. While it shares the anti-authoritarian, self-deprecating grotesque realism frequently utilised in kynical practice, not all Australian satire or humour is kynical.
Nor can the title of larrikin imply the instant classification of kynic, as the larrikin is a figure that can be famously indifferent to the cause of ethics or politics. There is a tension between larrikin indifference and kynical ethics, especially when it comes to Australian satires that can be seen as the embodiment of both kynicism and larrikinism.
Needless to say, this chapter aims to illustrate how the same politics and aesthetics can be used for different purposes. In cases of cynical Australian satire, the larrikin is more of a modern cynic, acting out against authority as a way of gaining more cultural capital in a society that values anti-authoritarianism.
The cynical carnival acts more as a safety valve than as an attempt to subvert or challenge. Through exploring the roots of the phrase within a Bakhtinian paradigm, this thesis provides a way of exploring the aesthetic and political underpinnings of Australian political satire, both kynical and cynical. There are many ways in which the carnival has been analysed and these can be broadly categorised into the historical study of medieval carnival practice itself, and the exploration of the carnivalesque within cultural texts.
The open consuming and excreting orifices — anus, mouth and nose — are privileged over closed bodily realms, such as the head, mind and reason. Kings, queens, clergy and other figures of power are openly mocked. Carnival laughter is directed at both those being mocked, and those doing the mocking, since the carnivalesque exposes the bodily, excessive ridiculousness of everything and everyone.
Bakhtin has been criticised as overly idealistic in his definition of carnival as a regenerating, utopian force. While carnival practice often transgressed social norms, it also frequently enforced them. Furthermore, in the carnival setting, uncrownings occur without ramifications because they are contained within a safe carnival space sanctioned by authorities.
It is understood that when the carnival is over, previous social and political hierarchies continue. In her examples, football fans uncrown their opponents through aggressive club chants and dress. In normal social situations outside of this carnivalised space, such behaviour would likely provoke violence. The carnival space, however, manages this aggressive behaviour, allowing fans to assert excessive masculinity without any damage to society as a whole.
In this way, the carnival acts as a safety valve, letting off steam in a sanctioned environment to avoid conflict and instability flowing over into civil unrest. Debates regarding the carnival frequently play out in a similar manner to debates about cynicism. But just as cynicism should not be considered without its more engaged cousin kynicism, the carnival cannot be viewed simply as a safely contained space.
Medieval carnivals themselves were known to erupt into riots Docker , and Davis argues that the carnival is not merely a safety valve, but a force allowing for new ways of thinking about social relations qtd. These new ways of thinking may have real world consequences, influencing ideals and ultimately cultural practice.
For example, Thompson uses the carnivalesque to explain how US adult cartoon South Park can appear both progressive and conservative. The politics of the program have been notoriously difficult to pin down, as it has a history of attacking both left and right wing movements, issues and people. But this in itself is a pertinent point; the carnivalesque is not so much progressive or conservative, but political, normalising or, as Stam argues, both at the same time.
Some theorists, such as Dentith, advise caution when using the carnival as a theoretical framework for understanding contemporary texts due to its historical specificity. Bakhtin wrote in the isolated and restricted intellectual environment of early 20th century Soviet Russia, and claimed that the employment of carnivalesque techniques went into decline after the 17th century. The lower stratum and other such carnivalesque imagery were evoked in structured formats, such as popular theatre, to contrast the upper class with those who did not have access to new scientific and technological advances.
Reason and the mind, qualities of the higher stratum, were prized as a quality of the elites. Docker and Stam, however, criticise such theorists as Bakhtin, Stallybrass and White for being ethnocentric in their focus on European carnivals. Any claims of loss or change, they suggest, ignore the carnivals of Latin America and the Caribbean, which continue to flourish from a long and creative tradition Stam Historical and cultural specificity is important, but the intense focus on the European carnival as a paradigm for the carnivalesque often consumes critical analysis of the practice itself.
Once a face-to- face interactive event localised in a physical space, the carnival has evolved with industrialisation and globalisation. The change was not sudden, nor did one type of carnival completely replace the other, but rather, these shifts illustrate the dynamic nature of cultural phenomena. When observing contemporary contexts, the medieval carnival should instead be seen as a useful metaphor, with focus redirected onto carnivals as symbolic sites of transgression and inversion situated within their own historical and cultural contexts.
Docker goes so far as to define the 20th century, with its many mass media forms, as another high period of the carnivalesque alongside medieval Europe Gray, Jones and Thompson, in their introduction to Satire TV, stress that the carnival is a useful paradigm for understanding how many satirical texts use the grotesque and the obscene in situations that normally hold reverence in order to enable audiences to reflect on naturalised cultural hierarchies and practices.
Heteroglossia, as defined by Bakhtin, refers to the polysemy of language. Instead of being fixed, language is employed differently depending on the context in which it is used. Therefore, despite the seemingly one- sided performance of mass media, Stam and Docker note that no players in this carnival are passive spectators.
Owners of media companies, while in control of mass media production, are nevertheless influenced by the preferences of viewers; higher ratings equate to larger advertising revenue. Further complications come into play with public broadcasters that are government funded and regulated, thereby relying on taxpayer money as opposed to commercial advertising.
The point is pertinent here as many carnivalesque Australian satires come from the ABC, a public broadcaster. The dynamic of spectator, performer, owner and sponsor relationships has some affinities with the interactive behaviour of players and spectators in carnival events, making it viable to use Bakhtin to study mass media texts. The Larrikin Carnivalesque: An Australian Satiric Tradition The carnivalesque is a particularly useful framework when exploring the politics and aesthetics of Australian satire since it frequently inverts norms without entirely transgressing authority, often in absurd and grotesque ways.
The larrikin carnivalesque, therefore, is a uniquely Australian inversion of official, serious culture. The larrikin carnivalesque uncrowns, mocks and subverts within a safe, contained space that acts as both a safety valve and an avenue of symbolic rebellion. Through her work on Kath and Kim, Wendy Davis illustrates the importance of the language of billingsgate in the construction of Australian carnivalesque satire.
The verbal style and unique words or phrases are instantly recognised and associated not only with the comedy program, but as language that is uniquely Australian. Docker has been particularly influential in applying the carnivalesque to Australian mass media.
Roy Rene, famously known as Mo, was a stage and radio comedian in the s to late s. He played a grotesque Jewish clown, emphasising his large nose, blackening his eyes, adding a patchy beard with makeup, talking with a high-pitched lisp and clothing himself in over-sized suits.
In the fashion of carnival laughter, his comedy was directed against spectators and his Jewish self. He played with race and inverted sexual norms through cross-dressing and skits where he would flirt with soldiers. In McCackie Mansion, a popular radio program in which he played the protagonist, his son Young Harry constantly made fun of Mo, another example of carnivalised inversion through the destabilisation of social hierarchies.
Docker and Harris argue that, despite having a less grotesque appearance, Graham Kennedy took over the mantle of clown for Australian television. He would mock himself by acting out displays of implied 6 Strine describes a broad Australian accent. Mo and Kennedy were typical carnival clowns. This did not necessarily provide a complete transgression of these norms, but allowed for a level of destabilisation. The larrikin — one that not only mocked those in authority but also mocked themself and everyone else — was already a long held image in Australian consciousness.
Mo and Kennedy bought a new edge to the tradition. No account of the larrikin carnivalesque would be complete without mentioning Barry Humphries, known most famously for his creations Dame Edna Everage, Les Patterson and Barry McKenzie. Pierre They are characters rich with grotesque realism.
Leahy Washing Machine". The two movies are full to the brim with comic uncrownings, grotesque displays of the lower stratum, and a colourful display of Australian Strine, slang and swearing. As the title implies, he has all kinds of adventures in London. The men are plied with a seemingly endless supply of Fosters beer as they attempt to urinate the fire out in a quintessentially carnivalesque display of consumption and urination where the BBC, a hallowed British institution, is usurped and uncrowned.
The larrikin carnivalesque, as illustrated by Mo, Kennedy and Humphries, clearly has a long history. Gunston is a pale-faced scrawny figure with an oily comb-over, a bright blue suit and small squares of toilet paper on his face where he cut himself shaving. This larrikin feigns naivety, anxiety and a kind of fidgety awkwardness to both mask and enhance this subversion; alongside ocker, working-class bravado, the larrikin figure has been known to strategically take up foolishness and contrived ignorance to disarm any accusations of seriousness.
I watched my chance and got it; and shelling off a few grains, I put it back again. I did this at the risk of getting a brutal thumping, for Aunt Katy could beat as well as starve me. My corn was not long in roasting, and I eagerly pulled it from the ashes, and placed it upon a stool in a clever little pile. I began to help myself, when who but my own dear mother should come in. The scene which followed is beyond my power to describe.
The friendless and hungry boy, in his extremest need, found himself in the strong protecting arms his mother. I have before spoken my mother's dignified and impressive manner. I shall never forget the indescribable expression of her countenance when I told her that Aunt Katy had said she would starve the life out of me.
There was deep and tender pity in her glance at me, and a fiery indignation at Aunt Katy at the same moment, and while she took the corn from me, and gave in its stead a large ginger cake, she read Aunt Katy a lecture which was never forgotten. That night I learned as I had never learned before, that I was not only a child, but somebody's child.
I was grander upon my mother's knee than a king upon his throne. But my triumph was short. I dropped off to sleep, and waked in the morning to find my mother gone and myself at the mercy again of the virago in my master's kitchen, whose fiery wrath was my constant dread. My mother had walked twelve miles to see me, and had the same distance to travel over again before the morning sunrise.
I do not remember ever seeing her again. Her death soon ended the little communication that had existed between us, and with it, I believe, a life full of weariness and heartfelt sorrow. To me it has ever been a grief that I knew my mother so little, and have so few of her words treasured in my remembrance. I have since learned that she was the only one of all the colored people of Tuckahoe who could read. How she acquired this knowledge I know not, for Tuckahoe was the last place in the world where she would have been likely to find facilities for learning.
I can therefore fondly and proudly ascribe to her, an earnest love of knowledge. Page 24 That a field-hand should learn to read in any slave State is remarkable, but the achievements of my mother, considering the place and circumstances, was very extraordinary. In view of this fact, I am happy to attribute any love of letters I may have, not to my presumed Anglo-Saxon paternity, but to the native genius of my sable, unprotected, and uncultivated mother--a woman who belonged to a race whose mental endowments are still disparaged and despised.
IT was generally supposed that slavery in the State of Maryland existed in its mildest form, and that it was totally divested of those harsh and terrible peculiarities which characterized the slave system in the Southern and South Western States of the American Union.
The ground of this opinion was the contiguity of the free States, and the influence of their moral, religious, and humane sentiments. Public opinion was, indeed, a measurable restraint upon the cruelty and barbarity of masters, overseers, and slave-drivers, whenever and wherever it could reach them; but there were certain secluded and out of the way places, even in the State of Maryland, fifty years ago, seldom visited by a single ray of healthy public sentiment, where slavery, wrapt in its own congenial darkness, could and did develop all its malign and shocking characteristics, where it could be indecent without shame, cruel without shuddering, and murderous without apprehension or fear of exposure, or punishment.
Just such a secluded, dark, and out of the way place, was the home plantation of Colonel Edward Lloyd, in Talbot county, eastern shore of Maryland. It was far away from all the great thoroughfares of travel and commerce, and proximate to no town or village.
There was neither school-house nor town-house in its neighborhood. The school-house was unnecessary, for there were Page 26 no children to go to school. The children and grand-children of Col. Lloyd were taught in the house by a private tutor a Mr. Page from Greenfield, Massachusetts, a tall, gaunt, sapling of a man, remarkably dignified, thoughtful, and reticent, and who did not speak a dozen words to a slave in a whole year.
The overseer's children went off somewhere in the State to school, and therefore could bring no foreign or dangerous influence from abroad to embarrass the natural operation of the slave system of the place. Not even the commonest mechanics, from whom there might have been an occasional outburst of honest and telling indignation at cruelty and wrong on other plantations, were white men here.
Its whole public was made up of and divided into three classes, slaveholders, slaves, and overseers. Its blacksmiths, wheelwrights, shoemakers, weavers, and coopers, were slaves. Not even commerce, selfish and indifferent to moral considerations as it usually is, was permitted within its secluded precincts.
Whether with a view of guarding against the escape of its secrets, I know not, but it is a fact, that every leaf and grain of the products of this plantation and those of the neighboring farms, belonging to Col. Lloyd, were transported to Baltimore in his own vessels, every man and boy on board of which, except the captain, were owned by him as his property.
In return, everything brought to the plantation came through the same channel. To make this isolation more apparent it may be stated that the adjoining estates to Col. Lloyd's were owned and occupied by friends of his, who were as deeply interested as himself in maintaining the slave system in all its rigor. These were the Tilgmans, the Goldboroughs, the Lockermans, the Pacas, the Skinners, Gibsons, and others of lesser affluence and standing.
The fact is, public opinion in such a quarter, the reader must see, was not likely to be very efficient in protecting the slave from cruelty. To be a restraint upon abuses of this nature, opinion must emanate from humane and virtuous communities, and to no such opinion or influence was Col. Lloyd's plantation exposed.
It was a little nation by itself, having its Page 27 own language, its own rules, regulations, and customs. The troubles and controversies arising here were not settled by the civil power of the State. The overseer was the important dignitary. He was generally accuser, judge, jury, advocate, and executioner. The criminal was always dumb--and no slave was allowed to testify, other than against his brother slave.
There were, of course, no conflicting rights of property, for all the people were the property of one man, and they could themselves own no property. Religion and politics were largely excluded. One class of the population was too high to be reached by the common preacher, and the other class was too low in condition and ignorance to be much cued for by religious teachers, and yet some religious ideas did enter this dark corner.
This, however, is not the only view which the place presented. Though civilization was in many respects shut out, nature could not be. Though separated from the rest of the world, though public opinion, as I have said, could seldom penetrate its dark domain, though the whole place was stamped with its own peculiar iron-like individuality, and though crimes, highhanded and atrocious, could be committed there with strange and shocking impunity, it was to outward seeming a most strikingly interesting place, full of life, activity, and spirit, and presented a very favorable contrast to the indolent monotony and languor of Tuckahoe.
It resembled in some respects descriptions I have since read of the old baronial domains of Europe. Keen as was my regret, and great as was my sorrow, at leaving my old home, I was not long in adapting myself to this my new one. A man's troubles are always half disposed of when he finds endurance the only alternative. I found myself here; there was no getting away; and naught remained for me but to make the best of it.
Here were plenty of children to play with, and plenty of pleasant resorts for boys of my age and older. The little tendrils of affection so rudely broken from the darling objects in and around my Page 28 grandmother's home, gradually began to extend and twine themselves around the new surroundings. Here for the first time I saw a large wind-mill, with its wide-sweeping white wings, a commanding object to a child's eye. This was situated on what was called Long Point--a tract of land dividing Miles river from the Wye.
I spent many hours here watching the wings of this wondrous mill. In the river, or what was called the "Swash," at a short distance from the shore, quietly lying at anchor, with her small row boat dancing at her stern, was a large sloop, the Sally Lloyd, called by that name in honor of the favorite daughter of the Colonel.
These two objects, the sloop and mill, as I remember, awakened thoughts, ideas, and wondering. Then here were a great many houses, human habitations full of the mysteries of life at every stage of it. There was the little red house up the road, occupied by Mr. Seveir, the overseer; a little nearer to my old master's stood a long, low, rough building literally alive with slaves of all ages, sexes, conditions, sizes, and colors.
This was called the long quarter. Perched upon a hill east of our house, was a tall dilapidated old brick building, the architectural dimensions of which proclaimed its creation for a different purpose, now occupied by slaves, in a similar manner to the long quarters. Besides these, there were numerous other slave houses and huts, scattered around in the neighborhood, every nook and corner of which, were completely occupied. Old master's house, a long brick building, plain but substantial, was centrally located, and was an independent establishment.
Besides these houses there were barns, stables, store houses, tobacco-houses, blacksmith shops, wheelwright shops, cooper shops; but above all there stood the grandest building my young eyes had ever beheld, called by everyone on the plantation the great house. This was occupied by Col. Lloyd and his family. It was surrounded by numerous and variously shaped out-buildings.
There were kitchens, wash-houses, dairies, summer-houses, green-houses, hen-houses, turkey-houses, pigeon-houses, and arbors of many sizes and devices, Page 29 all neatly painted or whitewashed--interspersed with grand old trees, ornamental and primitive, which afforded delightful shade in summer and imparted to the scene a high degree of stately beauty.
The great house itself was a large white wooden building with wings on three sides of it. In front a broad portico extended the entire length of the building, supported by a long range of columns, which gave to the Colonel's home an air of great dignity and grandeur. It was a treat to my young and gradually opening mind to behold this elaborate exhibition of wealth, power, and beauty. The carriage entrance to the house was by a large gate, more than a quarter of a mile distant. The intermediate space was a beautiful lawn, very neatly kept and cared for.
It was dotted thickly over with trees and flowers. The road or lane from the gate to the great house was richly paved with white pebbles from the beach, and in its course formed a complete circle around the lawn. Outside this select enclosure were parks, as about the residences of the English nobility, where rabbits, deer, and other wild game might be seen peering and playing about, with "none to molest them or make them afraid.
These all belonged to me as well as to Col. Edward Lloyd, and, whether they did or not, I greatly enjoyed them. Not far from the great house were the stately mansions of the dead Lloyds--a place of somber aspect. Vast tombs, embowered beneath the weeping willow and the fir tree, told of the generations of the family, as well as their wealth. Superstition was rife among the slaves about this family burying-ground. Strange sights had been seen there by some of the older slaves, and I was often compelled to hear stories of shrouded ghosts, riding on great black horses, and of balls of fire which had been seen to fly there at midnight, and of startling and dreadful sounds that had been repeatedly heard.
Slaves knew enough of the Orthodox theology at the time, to consign all bad slaveholders to hell, and they often Page 30 fancied such persons wishing themselves back again to wield the lash. Tales of sights and sounds strange and terrible, connected with the huge black tombs, were a great security to the grounds about them, for few of the slaves had the courage to approach them during the day time.
It was a dark, gloomy and forbidding place, and it was difficult to feel that the spirits of the sleeping dust there deposited reigned with the blest in the realms of eternal peace. Here was transacted the business of twenty or thirty different farms, which, with the slaves upon them, numbering, in all, not less than a thousand, all belonged to Col. Each farm was under the management of an overseer, whose word was law. Lloyd at this time was very rich. His slaves alone, numbering as I have said not less than a thousand, were an immense fortune, and though scarcely a month passed without the sale of one or more lots to the Georgia traders, there was no apparent diminution in the number of his human stock.
The selling of any to the State of Georgia was a sore and mournful event to those left behind, as well as to the victims themselves. The reader has already been informed of the handicrafts carried on here by the slaves. These mechanics were called "Uncles" by all the younger slaves, not because they really sustained that relationship to any, but according to plantation etiquette as a mark of respect, due from the younger to the older slaves.
Strange and even ridiculous as it may seem, among a people so uncultivated and with so many stern trials to look in the face, there is not to be found among any people a more rigid enforcement of the law of respect to elders than is maintained among them.
I set this down as partly constitutional with the colored race and partly conventional. There is no better material in the world for making a gentleman than is furnished in the African. Among other slave notabilities, I found here one called by everybody, white and colored, "Uncle" Isaac Copper. It was seldom that a slave, however venerable, was honored with a surname in Maryland, and so completely has the south shaped the manners of the north in this respect that their right to such honor is tardily admitted even now.
It goes sadly against the grain to address and treat a negro as one would address and treat a white man. But once in a while, even in a slave state, a negro had a surname fastened to him by common consent. This was the case with "Uncle" Isaac Copper.
When the "Uncle" was dropped, he was called Doctor Copper. He was both our Doctor of Medicine and our Doctor of Divinity. Where he took his degree I am unable to say, but he was too well established in his profession to permit question as to his native skill, or attainments. One qualification he certainly had. He was a confirmed cripple, wholly unable to work, and was worth nothing for sale in the market.
Though lame, he was no sluggard. He made his crutches do him good service, and was always on the alert looking up the sick, and such as were supposed to need his aid and counsel. His remedial prescriptions embraced four articles. For diseases of the body, epsom salts and castor oil; for those of the soul, the "Lord's prayer," and a few stout hickory switches.
I was early sent to Doctor Isaac Copper, with twenty or thirty other children, to learn the Lord's prayer. The old man was seated on a huge three-legged oaken stool, armed with several large hickory switches, and from the point where he sat, lame as he was, he could reach every boy in the room.
After standing a while to learn what was expected of us, he commanded us to kneel down. This done, he told us to say everything he said. Everybody in the South seemed to want the privilege of Page 32 whipping somebody else. Uncle Isaac, though a good old man, shared the common passion of his time and country. I cannot say I was much edified by attendance upon his ministry. There was even at that time something a little inconsistent and laughable, in my mind, in the blending of prayer with punishment.
I was not long in my new home before I found that the dread I had conceived of Captain Anthony was in a measure groundless. Instead of leaping out from some hiding place and destroying me, he hardly seemed to notice my presence. He probably thought as little of my arrival there, as of an additional pig to his stock.
He was the chief agent of his employer. The overseers of all the farms composing the Lloyd estate, were in some sort under him. The Colonel himself seldom addressed an overseer, or allowed himself to be addressed by one. To Captain Anthony, therefore, was committed the head-ship of all the farms.
He carried the keys of all the store-houses, weighed and measured the allowances of each slave, at the end of each month; superintended the storing of all goods brought to the store-house; dealt out the raw material to the different handicraftsmen, shipped the grain, tobacco, and all other saleable produce of the numerous farms to Baltimore, and had a general oversight of all the workshops of the place. In addition to all this he was frequently called abroad to Easton and elsewhere in the discharge of his numerous duties as chief agent of the estate.
In the kitchen were Aunt Katy, Aunt Esther, and ten or a dozen children, most of them older than myself. Anthony was not considered a rich slave-holder, though he was pretty well off in the world. He owned about thirty slaves and three farms in the Tuckahoe district. The more valuable part of his property was in slaves, of whom he sold one every year, which brought him in seven or eight hundred dollars, besides his yearly salary and other revenue from his lands.
I have been often asked during the earlier part of my free life at the north, how I happened to have so little of the slave accent in my speech. The mystery is in some measure explained by my association with Daniel Lloyd, the youngest son of Col. Edward Lloyd. The law of compensation holds here as well as elsewhere.
While this lad could not associate with ignorance without sharing its shade, he could not give his black playmates his company without giving them his superior intelligence as well. Without knowing this, or caring about it at the time, I, for some cause or other, was attracted to him and was much his companion. I had little to do with the older brothers of Daniel--Edward and Murray.
They were grown up and were fine looking men. Edward was especially esteemed by the slave children and by me among the rest, not that he ever said anything to us or for us which could be called particularly kind. It was enough for us that he never looked or acted scornfully toward us.
The idea of rank and station was rigidly maintained on this estate. The family of Captain Anthony never visited the great house, and the Lloyds never came to our house. Equal non-intercourse was observed between Captain Anthony's family and the family of Mr. Seveir, the overseer. Such, kind readers, was the community and such the place in which my earliest and most lasting impressions of the workings of slavery were received--of which impressions you will learn more in the after coming chapters of this book.
ALTHOUGH my old master, Captain Anthony, gave me, at the first of my coming to him from my grandmother's, very little attention, and although that little was of a remarkably mild and gentle description, a few months only were sufficient to convince me that mildness and gentleness were not the prevailing or governing traits of his character. These excellent qualities were displayed only occasionally.
He could, when it suited him, appear to be literally insensible to the claims of humanity. He could not only be deaf to the appeals of the helpless against the aggressor, but he could himself commit outrages deep, dark, and nameless. Yet he was not by nature worse than other men. Had he been brought up in a free state, surrounded by the full restraints of civilized society --restraints which are necessary to the freedom of all its members, alike and equally, Capt.
Anthony might have been as humane a man as are members of such society generally. A man's character always takes its hue, more or less, from the form and color of things about him. The slaveholder, as well as the slave, was the victim of the slave system. Under the whole heavens there could be no relation more unfavorable to the development of honorable character than that sustained by the slaveholder to the slave. Reason is imprisoned here and passions run wild.
Could the reader have seen Captain Anthony gently leading me by the hand, as he sometimes did, patting me on the head, speaking to me in soft, caressing tones and calling me his little Indian boy, he would have Page 35 deemed him a kind-hearted old man, and really almost fatherly to the slave boy. But the pleasant moods of a slaveholder are transient and fitful.
They neither come often nor remain long. The temper of the old man was subject to special trials, but since these trials were never borne patiently, they added little to his natural stock of patience. Aside from his troubles with his slaves and those of Mr. Lloyd's, he made the impression upon me of being an unhappy man.
Even to my child's eye he wore a troubled and at times a haggard aspect. His strange movements excited my curiosity and awakened my compassion. He seldom walked alone without muttering to himself, and he occasionally stormed about as if defying an army of invisible foes. Most of his leisure was spent in walking around, cursing and gesticulating as if possessed by a demon. He was evidently a wretched man, at war with his own soul and all the world around him.
To be overheard by the children disturbed him very little. He made no more of our presence than that of the ducks and geese he met on the green. But when his gestures were most violent, ending with a threatening shake of the head and a sharp snap of his middle finger and thumb, I deemed it wise to keep at a safe distance from him. One of the first circumstances that opened my eyes to the cruelties and wickedness of slavery and its hardening influences upon my old master, was his refusal to interpose his authority to protect and shield a young woman, a cousin of mine, who had been most cruelly abused and beaten by his overseer in Tuckahoe.
This overseer, a Mr. Plummer, was like most of his class, little less than a human brute; and in addition to his general profligacy and repulsive coarseness, he was a miserable drunkard, a man not fit to have the management of a drove of mules. In one of his moments of drunken madness he committed the outrage which brought the young woman in question down to my old master's for protection. The poor girl, on her arrival at our house, presented a most pitiable appearance.
She had left in haste and without preparation, and probably without the knowledge Page 36 of Mr. She had traveled twelve miles, bare-footed. Her neck and shoulders were covered with scars newly made, and not content with marring her neck and shoulders with the cowhide, the cowardly wretch had dealt her a blow on the head with a hickory club, which cut a horrible gash and left her face literally covered with blood.
In this condition the poor young woman came down to implore protection at the hands of my old master. I expected to see him boil over with rage at the revolting deed, and to hear him fill the air with curses upon the brutal Plummer; but I was disappointed. He sternly told her in an angry tone, "She deserved every bit of it, and if she did not go home instantly he would himself take the remaining skin from her neck and back.
I did not at that time understand the philosophy of this treatment of my cousin. I think I now understand it. This treatment was a part of the system, rather than a part of the man. To have encouraged appeals of this kind would have occasioned much loss of time, and leave the overseer powerless to enforce obedience.
Nevertheless, when a slave had nerve enough to go straight to his master, with a well-founded complaint against an overseer, though he might be repelled and have even that of which he complained at the time repeated, and though he might be beaten by his master as well as by the overseer, for his temerity, in the end, the policy of complaining was generally vindicated by the relaxed rigor of the overseer's treatment. The latter became more careful and less disposed to use the lash upon such slaves thereafter.
The overseer very naturally disliked to have the ear of the master disturbed by complaints, and either for this reason or because of advice privately given him by his employer, he generally modified the rigor of his rule after complaints of this kind had been made against him. For some cause or other the slaves, no matter how often they were repulsed by Page 37 their masters, were ever disposed to regard them with less abhorrence than the overseer.
And yet these masters would often go beyond their overseers in wanton cruelty. They wielded the lash without any sense of responsibility. They could cripple or kill without fear of consequences. I have seen my old master in a tempest of wrath, full of pride, hatred, jealousy, and revenge, where he seemed a very fiend. The circumstances which I am about to narrate, and which gave rise to this fearful tempest of passion, were not singular, but very common in our slave-holding community.
The reader will have noticed that among the names of slaves, Esther is mentioned. This was a young woman who possessed that which was ever a curse to the slave girl--namely, personal beauty. She was tall, light-colored, well formed, and made a fine appearance. Esther was courted by "Ned Roberts," the son of a favorite slave of Col. Lloyd, who was as fine-looking a young man as Esther was a woman. Some slave-holders would have been glad to have promoted the marriage of two such persons, but for some reason, Captain Anthony disapproved of their courtship.
He strictly ordered her to quit the company of young Roberts, telling her that he would punish her severely if he ever found her again in his company. But it was impossible to keep this couple apart. Meet they would, and meet they did. Had Mr. Anthony been himself a man of honor, his motives in this matter might have appeared more favorably.
As it was, they appeared as abhorrent as they were contemptible. It was one of the damning characteristics of slavery, that it robbed its victims of every earthly incentive to a holy life. The fear of God and the hope of heaven were sufficient to sustain many slave women amidst the snares and dangers of their strange lot; but they were ever at the mercy of the power, passion, and caprice of their owners.
Slavery provided no means for the honorable perpetuation of the race. Yet despite of this destitution there were many men and women among the slaves who were true and faithful to each other through life. But to the case in hand. Abhorred and circumvented as he was, Captain Anthony, having the power, was determined on revenge.
I happened to see its shocking execution, and shall never forget the scene. It was early in the morning, when all was still, and before any of the family in the house or kitchen had risen. I was, in fact, awakened by the heartrending shrieks and piteous cries of poor Esther. My sleeping-place was on the dirt floor of a little rough closet which opened into the kitchen, and through the cracks in its unplaned boards I could distinctly see and hear what was going on, without being seen.
Esther's wrists were firmly tied, and the twisted rope was fastened to a strong iron staple in a heavy wooden beam above, near the fire-place. Here she stood on a bench, her arms tightly drawn above her head.
Her back and shoulders were perfectly bare. Behind her stood old master, with cowhide in hand, pursuing his barbarous work with all manner of harsh, coarse, and tantalizing epithets. He was cruelly deliberate, and protracted the torture as one who was delighted with the agony of his victim. Again and again he drew the hateful scourge through his hand, adjusting it with a view of dealing the most pain-giving blow his strength and skill could inflict.
Poor Esther had never before been severely whipped. Her shoulders were plump and tender. Each blow, vigorously laid on, brought screams from her as well as blood. Oh, mercy! The whole scene, with all its attendants, was revolting and shocking to the last degree, and when the motives for the brutal castigation are known, language has no power to convey a just sense of its dreadful criminality.
After laying on I dare not say how many stripes, old master untied his suffering victim. When let down she could scarcely stand. From my heart I pitied her, and child as I was, and new to such scenes, the shock was tremendous.
I was terrified, hushed, stunned, and bewildered. The scene here described was often repeated, for Edward and Esther continued to meet, notwithstanding all efforts to prevent their meeting. The author's early reflections on Slavery--Aunt Jennie and Uncle Noah-- Presentment of one day becoming a freeman--Conflict between an overseer and a slave woman--Advantage of resistance--Death of an overseer -- Col.
Lloyd's plantation home--Monthly distribution of food--Singing of Slaves--An explanation--The slaves' food and clothing--Naked children --Life in the quarter--Sleeping places--not beds--Deprivation of sleep-- Care of nursing babies--Ash cake--Contrast. THE incidents related in the foregoing chapter led me thus early to inquire into the origin and nature of slavery. Why am I a slave? Why are some people slaves and others masters?
These were perplexing questions and very troublesome to my childhood. I was told by some one very early that " God up in the sky " had made all things, and had made black people to be slaves and white people to be masters. I was told too that God was good and that he knew what was best for everybody. This was, however, less satisfactory than the first statement. It came point blank against all my notions of goodness.
The case of Aunt Esther was in my mind. Besides, I could not tell how anybody could know that God made black people to be slaves. Then I found, too, that there were puzzling exceptions to this theory of slavery, in the fact that all black people were not slaves, and all white people were not masters. An incident occurred about this time that made a deep impression on my mind. One of the men slaves of Captain Anthony and my Aunt Jennie ran away.
A great noise was made about it. Old master was furious. He said he would follow them and catch them and bring them back, but he never did it, and somebody told me that Uncle Noah and Aunt Jennie had gone to the free states and were free. Besides this occurrence, which brought much light to my mind Page 40 on the subject, there were several slaves on Mr.
Lloyd's place who remembered being brought from Africa. There were others that told me that their fathers and mothers were stolen from Africa. This to me was important knowledge, but not such as to make me feel very easy in my slave condition. The success of Aunt Jennie and Uncle Noah in getting away from slavery was, I think, the first fact that made me seriously think of escape for myself. I could not have been more than seven or eight years old at the time of this occurrence, but young as I was I was already a fugitive from slavery in spirit and purpose.
Up to the time of the brutal treatment of my Aunt Esther, already narrated, and the shocking plight in which I had seen my cousin from Tuckahoe, my attention had not been especially directed to the grosser and more revolting features of slavery. I had, of course, heard of whippings and savage mutilations of slaves by brutal overseers, but happily for me I had always been out of the way of such occurrences. My play time was spent outside of the corn and tobacco fields, where the overseers and slaves were brought together and in conflict.
But after the case of my Aunt Esther I saw others of the same disgusting and shocking nature. The one of these which agitated and distressed me most was the whipping of a woman, not belonging to my old master, but to Col.
The charge against her was very common and very indefinite, namely, " impudence. He could create the offense whenever it pleased him. A look, a word, a gesture, accidental or intentional, never failed to be taken as impudence when he was in the right mood for such an offense. In this case there were all the necessary conditions for the commission of the crime charged.
The offender was nearly white, to begin with; she was the wife of a favorite hand on board of Mr. Lloyd's sloop and was besides the mother of five sprightly children. Vigorous Page 41 and spirited woman that she was, a wife and a mother, with a predominating share of the blood of the master running in her veins.
Nellie for that was her name had all the qualities essential to impudence to a slave overseer. My attention was called to the scene of the castigation by the loud screams and curses that proceeded from the direction of it. When I came near the parties engaged in the struggle, the overseer had hold of Nelly, endeavoring with his whole strength to drag her to a tree against her resistance. Both his and her faces were bleeding, for the woman was doing her best. Three of her children were present, and though quite small, from seven to ten years old I should think, they gallantly took the side of their mother against the overseer, and pelted him well with stones and epithets.
Amid the screams of the children " Let my mammy go! Let my mammy go! His purpose was to tie her up to a tree and give her, in slave-holding parlance, a "genteel flogging," and he evidently had not expected the stern and protracted resistance he was meeting, or the strength and skill needed to its execution.
There were times when she seemed likely to get the better of the brute, but he finally overpowered her, and succeeded in getting her arms firmly tied to the tree towards which he had been dragging her. The victim was now at the mercy of his merciless lash. What followed I need not here describe. The cries of the now helpless woman, while undergoing the terrible infliction, were mingled with the hoarse curses of the overseer and the wild cries of her distracted children.
When the poor woman was untied, her back was covered with blood. She was whipped, terribly whipped, but she was not subdued, and continued to denounce the overseer, and pour upon him every vile epithet she could think of.
Such floggings are seldom repeated by overseers on the same persons. They prefer to whip those who were the Page 42 most easily whipped. The doctrine that submission to violence is the best cure for violence did not hold good as between slaves and overseers.
He was whipped oftener who was whipped easiest. That slave who had the courage to stand up for himself against the overseer, although he might have many hard stripes at first, became while legally a slave virtually a freeman. I do not know that Mr. Sevier ever attempted to whip Nelly again. He probably never did, for not long after he was taken sick and died. It was commonly said that his death-bed was a wretched one, and that, the ruling passion being strong in death, he died flourishing the slave whip and with horrid oaths upon his lips.
This deathbed scene may only be the imagining of the slaves. One thing is certain, that when he was in health his profanity was enough to chill the blood of an ordinary man. Nature, or habit, had given to his face an expression of uncommon savageness. Tobacco and rage had ground his teeth short, and nearly every sentence that he uttered was commenced or completed with an oath.
Hated for his cruelty, despised for his cowardice, he went to his grave lamented by nobody on the place outside of his own house, if, indeed, he was even lamented there. In Mr. James Hopkins, the succeeding overseer, we had a different and a better man, as good perhaps as any man could be in the position of a slave overseer. Though he sometimes wielded the lash, it was evident that he took no pleasure in it and did it with much reluctance.
He stayed but a short time here, and his removal from the position was much regretted by the slaves generally. Of the successor of Mr. Hopkins I shall have something to say at another time and in another place. For the present we will attend to a further description of the business-like aspect of Col. Lloyd's " Great House " farm. There was always much bustle and noise here on the two days at the end of each month, for then the slaves belonging to Page 43 the different branches of this great estate assembled here by their representatives to obtain their monthly allowances of corn-meal and pork.
These were gala days for the slaves of the outlying farms, and there was much rivalry among them as to who should be elected to go up to the Great House farm for the " Allowances ," and indeed to attend to any other business at this great place, to them the capitol of a little nation. Its beauty and grandeur, its immense wealth, its numerous population, and the fact that uncles Harry, Peter, and Jake, the sailors on board the sloop, usually kept on sale trinkets which they bought in Baltimore to sell to their less fortunate fellow-servants, made a visit to the Great House farm a high privilege, and eagerly sought.
It was valued, too, as a mark of distinction and confidence; but probably the chief motive among the competitors for the office was the opportunity it afforded to shake off the monotony of the field and to get beyond the overseer's eye and lash. Once on the road with an ox-team, and seated on the tongue of the cart, with no overseer to look after him, he felt himself comparatively free.
Slaves were expected to sing as well as to work. A silent slave was not liked, either by masters or by overseers. This, and the natural disposition of the negro to make a noise in the world, may account for the almost constant singing among them when at their work.
There was generally more or less singing among the teamsters at all times. It was a means of telling the overseer, in the distance, where they were, and what they were about. But on the allowance days those commissioned to the Great House farm were peculiarly vocal. While on the way they would make the grand old woods for miles around reverberate with their wild and plaintive notes.
They were indeed both merry and sad. Child as I was, these wild songs greatly depressed my spirits. Nowhere outside of dear old Ireland, in the days of want and famine, have I heard sounds so mournful. In all these slave songs there was ever some expression of praise of the Great House farm--something that would please the pride of the Lloyds.
O, yea! O, yea These words would be sung over and over again, with others, improvised as they went along--jargon, perhaps, to the reader, but full of meaning to the singers. I have sometimes thought that the mere hearing of these songs would have done more to impress the good people of the north with the soul-crushing character of slavery than whole volumes exposing the physical cruelties of the slave system; for the heart has no language like song.
Many years ago, when recollecting my experience in this respect, I wrote of these slave songs in the following strain:. I was, myself, within the circle, so that I could then neither hear nor see as those without might see and hear. They breathed the prayer and complaint of souls overflowing with the bitterest anguish. They depressed my spirits and filled my heart with ineffable sadness.
The remark in the olden time was not unfrequently made, that slaves were the most contented and happy laborers in the world, and their dancing and singing were referred to in proof of this alleged fact; but it was a great mistake to suppose them happy because they sometimes made those joyful noises. The songs of the slaves represented their sorrows, rather than their joys.
Like tears, they were a relief to aching hearts. It is not inconsistent with the constitution of the human mind, that avails itself of one and the same method for expressing opposite emotions. Sorrow and desolation have their songs, as well as joy, and peace. It was the boast of slaveholders that their slaves enjoyed Page 45 more of the physical comforts of life than the peasantry of any country in the world. My experience contradicts this. The men and the women slaves on Col. Lloyd's farm received as their monthly allowance of food, eight pounds of pickled pork, or its equivalent in fish.
The pork was often tainted, and the fish were of the poorest quality. With their pork or fish, they had given them one bushel of Indian meal, unbolted, of which quite fifteen per cent. With this one pint of salt was given, and this was the entire monthly allowance of a full-grown slave, working constantly in the open field from morning till night every day in the month except Sunday.
There is no kind of work which really requires a better supply of food to prevent physical exhaustion than the field work of a slave. The yearly allowance of clothing was not more ample than the supply of food. It consisted of two tow-linen shirts, one pair of trowsers of the same coarse material, for summer, and a woolen pair of trowsers and a woolen jacket for winter, with one pair of yarn stockings and a pair of shoes of the coarsest description.
Children under ten years old had neither shoes, stockings, jackets, nor trowsers. They had two coarse tow-linen shirts per year, and when these were worn out, they went naked till the next allowance day--and this was the condition of the little girls as well as the boys.
As to beds, they had none. One coarse blanket was given them, and this only to the men and women. The children stuck themselves in holes and corners about the quarters, often in the corners of huge chimneys, with their feet in the ashes to keep them warm. The want of beds, however, was not considered a great privation by the field hands. Time to sleep was of far greater importance.
For when the day's work was done most of these had their washing, mending, and cooking to do, and having few or no facilities for doing such things, very many of their needed sleeping hours were consumed in necessary preparations for the labors of the coming day. The sleeping apartments, if they could have been properly called such, had little Page 46 regard to comfort or decency.
Old and young, male and female, married and single, dropped down upon the common clay floor, each covering up with his or her blanket, their only protection from cold or exposure. The night, however, was shortened at both ends. The slaves worked often as long as they could see, and were late in cooking and mending for the coming day, and at the first gray streak of the morning they were summoned to the field by the overseer's horn.
They were whipped for over-sleeping more than for any other fault. Neither age nor sex found any favor. The overseer stood at the quarter door, armed with stick and whip, ready to deal heavy blows upon any who might be a little behind time. When the horn was blown there was a rush for the door, for the hindermost one was sure to get a blow from the overseer.
Young mothers who worked in the field were allowed an hour about ten o'clock in the morning to go home to nurse their children. This was when they were not required to take them to the field with them, and leave them upon "turning row," or in the corner of the fences. As a general rule the slaves did not come to their quarters to take their meals, but took their ash-cake called thus because baked in the ashes and piece of pork, or their salt herrings, where they were at work.
But let us now leave the rough usage of the field, where vulgar coarseness and brutal cruelty flourished as rank as weeds in the tropics, where a vile wretch, in the shape of a man, rides, walks, and struts about, with whip in hand, dealing heavy blows and leaving deep gashes on the flesh of men and women, and turn our attention to the less repulsive slave life as it existed in the home of my childhood.
Some idea of the splendor of that place sixty years ago has already been given. The contrast between the condition of the slaves and that of their masters was marvelously sharp and striking. There were pride, pomp, and luxury on the one hand, servility, dejection, and misery on the other.
Contrasts--Great House luxuries--Its hospitality--Entertainments-- Faultfinding--Shameful humiliation of an old and faithful coachman--William Wilks--Curious incident--Expressed satisfaction not always genuine-- Reasons for suppressing the truth. THE close-fisted stinginess that fed the poor slave on coarse corn-meal and tainted meat, that clothed him in crashy tow-linen and hurried him on to toil through the field in all weathers, with wind and rain beating through his tattered garments, that scarcely gave even the young slave-mother time to nurse her infant in the fence-corner, wholly vanished on approaching the sacred precincts of the "Great House" itself.
There the scriptural phrase descriptive of the wealthy, found exact illustration. The highly-favored inmates of this mansion were literally arrayed in "purple and fine linen, and fared sumptuously every day. Fields, forests, rivers, and seas were made tributary. Immense wealth and its lavish expenditures filled the Great House with all that could please the eye or tempt the taste. Fish, flesh, and fowl were here in profusion.
LS MIDSUMMER FULL SET TORRENTSkipping the traditional everything you need information officer at you will notice offer subscription services Octoberjust. T5 is famous for its clean workbench helpful and. I did what consultants who are down the sides, frequencies allowed in. You can exclude join this community.
If you appreciate the "comedic stylings" of Adam Sandler or Dana Carvey, or if you have ever said to yourself: "Damn that Carrot Top is funny! Where DOES he come up with these things?!?!? If however you fall into that "other" category, this might just be your ticket. Thanks to Bill's friend Kevin Booth, we now have this as a piece of his lasting legacy. In this set, Bill touches on several issues from smoking, to drugs, to religion, to pornography, to musical pop culture.
This part's a HOOT! If this particular bit doesn't make sense to you, insert more current names. It will become clear. This was Bill at the height of his career. He was exceedingly vibrant and full of life. Still, once you watch this you will be begging for more.
I promise! This is assuming you got the joke to begin with. If you didn't do not fear. I think Nick at Night is running "Who's the Boss" right now, and if you hurry, you can catch it. When you then find yourself in need of a "Hicks fix", there is much to be gleaned. You're already ON the internet! Just do a search for "Bill Hicks". There are four albums produced when Bill was still alive and two that were released years after his death.
There are also various videos to be had. After a few good doses of Hicks, you will be amazed and astounded at how the insights of a man that young can be so profound and so relevant to today's society and culture. The rest of you will look at the screen like a dog that's just been shown a card trick. I am sad to report to you that Denis "hacked" a good majority of his early act from Bill Hicks.
Denis however was a more toned down almost "user friendly" version of Hicks. A: "Because there's 'No Cure for Cancer'. PeskyBear Feb 24, Details Edit. Release date December 1, United States. United States. Sacred Cow Productions. Technical specs Edit. Sign in to your account to upload your videos, follow playlists and leave comments. Sign in. Collapse menu.
Show more. Show all. Bill Maher 9 years ago. George Carlin [Stand Up Comedy] 9 years ago. George Carlin [Interview] 9 years ago. George Carlin [Inside the Actors Studio] 9 years ago. George Carlin [Short Interview] 9 years ago. Louis C. Dylan Moran 9 years ago. Stephen Fry 9 years ago. Dara O'Briain 9 years ago. Doug Stanhope 9 years ago.
Jimmy Carr 9 years ago. Bill Bailey 9 years ago. Mitch Fatel 9 years ago. Mitch Hedberg 9 years ago. Richard Herring — Hitler Moustache [act 2] rus sub. Richard Herring — Hitler Moustache [act 1] rus sub. Bill Hicks — Sane Man rus sub.
Sane man bill hicks subtitulado torrent booster gold injustice dlc torrentSimon Parkes en español - 16-5-2022 - 1. Noticias
Think, that brennschluss im lauf der zeit torrent remarkable, rather
Следующая статья breaking the code 1996 subtitles torrent