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Who knew the shy producer from whispery indie rock trio the xx could also throw a great party? Young Thug and Popcaan]. A heartfelt tribute to a notoriously terrible brand of cigarettes became a career-making moment for Mac DeMarco. With his inaugural solo mini-album Rock and Roll Night Club , the Canadian singer established himself as a weirdo skeez with a shit-eating grin—a guy whose songs showed tons of promise if you pierced through the thick coats of deep-voiced, slow-motion gimmickry.
The unlikely love song ends with the sound of him lighting up, inhaling, and collapsing into a fit of echoing coughs. It sounds off at first, but as the strings quiver and the unquantized drums tick along, every instance of the word becomes a knowing wink, a flash of intimacy. The song includes a spoken word intro in Spanish, along with violin, viola, contrabass, sitar, multiple guitars, horns, synths—even a Curtis Mayfield sample.
With these words, Jordan builds a scarecrow outline of her relationship just to torch it all to the ground. For a virtuoso whose music explores the outer reaches of funk, yacht rock, and astral jazz, Thundercat has always shown a sensitive undercurrent. In his first two solo albums, he slowed down a George Duke love anthem, sang adoringly about his cat, and composed a heart-wrenching tribute to a late friend.
Then, in an interlude, his trusty bass falls away and he sings some ethereal oooohs , pinpointing a sweet spot between boldness and fragility. This was the music video that launched a thousand pearl-clutching critiques, along with about as many think pieces about its radical significance. In it, Rihanna nonchalantly threatens her accountant with a phrase often wielded by men. In the process, she kidnaps and tortures his wife, before taking a chainsaw to his neck.
There are umteen ways to read into the politics of this video: What kind of violence are we sensitized to, and what makes us squirm? What does it look like for a woman to be powerful and angry while also being feminine? How are white women complicit in and benefitting from the bad behavior of white men? But ultimately, determining whether this video is Good and Feminist or Bad and Cancelled is futile; what freedom looks like for any woman cannot be simplified into one set of rules.
Since the storm hit, Segarra continuously tried to find her way back to her ravaged ancestral homeland in a way that would allow her to give without taking. She finally made it in December But Yorke never abandoned the studio version, eventually forgoing the experimental synthesizers and Rhodes piano he kept trying to make work in favor of soft piano chords. May the gods protect the DJ who cut away from the weepy grand pianos before the beat change—that switch-up is the point, the gas pedal.
Then, for extra horror-core effect, he adds a blood-curdling scream every few bars. The three-part, minute hyperspace cruise through time, styles, and cool-eyed character observations offered monumental proof that he was capable of miracles. Egyptian pharaohs, Las Vegas sex workers, uncredited John Mayer guitar solos—somehow, he made all of it sound like it belonged.
When Japandroids frontman Brian King graduated college, he watched his friends from small town British Columbia, Canada quickly settle into normalcy—weddings, mortgages, babies—and thought, Well, fuck that. So he started a band with drummer Dave Prowse and dreamed up a song about teenage abandon, blooming lust, and jumping out of bed to grab a beer with your best friend.
But the alliance that had seemed to foreshadow many more seasons of Cash Money primacy instead dissolved rather quickly, and all three artists have feuded with each other on and off ever since. Charli XCX is sonic science fiction. At her best, which she is here, Charli XCX cracks a key pop music code: doing as much with as little language as possible. Kelela was an easy sell as an underground icon: Her vocals flexed with all the acrobatic skill her generation had learned from Janet, Brandy, and Mariah, while her style whet the palates of the ultramodern Opening Ceremony devotees who run the fashion world.
The beats did the rest: The handclaps that drive the track forward are a call-to-action for hips and tongues across genres, from Miami bass to baile-funk to house, drenched in a synth-bed that sounds like a sunrise let-out from a Bed-Stuy afterhours club. On the other end are pencil-sharp female rappers dragging the genre to new edges from behind cat-eye makeup. They aren't concerned with celebrating femininity, or anything else for that matter—they simply grab for your throat, no matter how you identify.
Carefree nights have been poisoned by the constant threat of nuclear warfare; her beloved Malibu is ravaged by monstrous wildfires; nothing feels like it used to, and holding onto hope no longer seems plausible. The end of the world has never felt so assured. For four heavenly minutes, the song suspends gravity, accompanying Jeremih with production as weightless as his voice: plinking pianos, gentle swooshes, and helium-infused trap drums that float toward blue sky like a bouquet of heart-shaped balloons.
But the Life of Pablo opener is a group effort: an imperiled Kelly Price, an ecstatic Chance the Rapper, a reverential Kirk Franklin, a gale-force choir. West seems to say. I know when to shut up. And yet Kanye is there, his friends are there, he fucks up and asks forgiveness, the seasons turn.
What a difference a perfect pop song can make. For a moment, he was the most hated man-child on Earth. Then came this song, and everything changed. It started off as an affectingly whiny Bieber demo before the vocals were sent to Diplo and Skrillex, who tweaked and distorted and pitch-shifted them to match their future-pop dreams. The result was discombobulating to the point of deliriousness—a reimagining of what Justin Bieber could be, and what a Top 10 hit could sound like.
Justin Bieber]. A full year before the Supreme Court legalized gay marriage across the U. It begins abruptly with its sickly, skittish beat that sticks like a broken delete key. Just as swiftly, the rapper starts dropping names of then-mysterious figures— Anwar , Jasper , Syd —as he inverts rap cliches into menacing quips. You just want to follow this guy wherever he goes, even when he eats a cockroach in the video.
Singing with hoarse gravity, Adele holds every note like a steely challenge to move forward even as she looks back, rarely flickering into melisma as the piano arpeggios churn below. There are all these elongated sounds—slowly arching snares, spilt treacle synths, vocals that stretch into the horizon—that act as lines of tension, gently bracing themselves for the inevitable. But midway, after the introduction of a drumbeat and bassline, it takes on shades of trip-hop, as though filtering Patsy Cline through a Portishead prism.
Rather than leaving country behind, the songwriter has chosen to explore the limits of its territory, and to expand them. He was just 15 years old when he posted the clip, but his weathered warble suggested someone several decades older—as do the lyrics, which had Marshall pulling from his adolescence while also transcending the simple angst typical of such an age. But the original version, rough and raw and bracing, stands up best.
In , we were introduced to Tough Drake. When you have everything, do you stay on your worst behavior forever? New York needed something fresh. But for a moment, his energy and personality brought New York hip-hop back into the spotlight. Hopelessness is not a common thing to find in a pop song. Of course. Lately, Rihanna has used her platform to speak out for a number of prominent causes: for reproductive rights , for Colin Kaepernick , against the president.
Calvin Harris]. Especially at the time, this rang very true. The Atlanta rapper had an enormous year in , with the release of his Drake collaboration What a Time to Be Alive along with one of his best albums, Dirty Sprite 2.
Having reinvented himself so many times, his last musical effort was to bid farewell with that same grace and eternal curiosity. Then all that remains is the man, staring straight into the unfathomable and having the wisdom to offer no answers.
He cartwheeled through the track, singing in swooning howls, and in the process coining an inimitable sound that bottled the sensation of ecstatic liberation: whawp! Swift tells a big story by freezing time and honing in on small details, the kind that could seem like background noise to others: the scarf that her ex reportedly, Jake Gyllenhaal kept as a memento, the refrigerator light that illuminated midnight dance parties.
As Staples slides from parties to shootouts, danger is courted and eluded. Death is defied and embraced. Gangster rap is disparaged; gangsters endure. Though every detail is in 4K, the screen flickers. The bass quakes and smolders; the synths blare and pulse; the claps tingle.
Because he sees his city so clearly, he has no illusions: No one can run forever. Only Natasha Khan remains by her side, and in her sweetest and deadliest ballad, she dedicates every ounce of her formidable self herself to propping up her lost friend.
As the song slowly made its way toward ubiquity, eventually peaking at No. As a refreshing alternative, Guy and Howard Lawrence created a track bound to an indestructible house beat and filled with the types of chord extensions more commonly found in jazz or Steely Dan albums than standard chart fare, allowing for Sam Smith to unleash their jaw-dropping vocals.
Today, the song remains a testament to a brave new world of democratized production, one where two brothers, a laptop, and an unknown superstar can move the world. Sam Smith]. The song was released between two pivotal projects: four years after her album Sol-Angel and the Hadley Street Dreams , an almost quaint love letter to Motown, and four years before her culture-shifting political purge, A Seat at the Table. Disoriented by the end of something irreconcilable, she sees her relationship devolve from all-night makeout sessions to total static.
Since the dawn of time, women have been fed up with the patronizing antics of men in music. In , newfound fame was weighing on Kendrick Lamar. He delivered the message that Compton—and everyone else—could put their faith in him. It is almost unfair how irresistibly danceable this song is, how it articulates a desire for closeness while laid over the kind of sparse but infectious beat that practically demands bodies shifting together.
Navigating romance publicly comes with being a public figure—which can be good when it is good, and agonizing when it is agonizing. Ariana Grande has had to do this through several iterations of her career, in ways that have sometimes felt unfair. All this came to a head in the fall of , when she was mourning both the death of her ex-boyfriend Mac Miller and a broken-off engagement to Pete Davidson. The song itself works against the somewhat dismissive sentiment of the title: The twinkling chorus is steeped in a kind of corny but joyful gratitude, for the past but also for the present self.
Crooning angelically, Grande reminds the masses that we choose to love people for a reason, even if that love is brief. No more trivial accusations of retrofetishism or John Lennon idol worship; with this heavy slab of space disco, Parker decidedly broke free of any preconceived notions about his abilities.
The riff—a simple, octave-leaping groove—stands alone, but the punchy drums and elaborate synth arrangements throughout cleared the stage for Tame Impala to claim their place as true psych-rock originals. But in our actual reality, Karin and Olof Dreijer got dark with their classic Silent Shout before making their grand return seven years later by inhaling radical theory and fully metamorphosing into their namesake—something steely, cutting, dangerous when necessary.
It primes you to leave it all on the dancefloor before waking up ready to throw a brick through the patriarchy. But her character shows no bitterness for the girlfriend in question. Instead, she gently coaches her lover through breaking up with the other woman, urging him to spare her feelings.
Over a reassuring backdrop of organ and piano, her voice gathers strength as she is swept away in a flood of images, words so vivid you can feel them beating in your hand like small, frightened birds. It is a nostalgic song, shot through with a sense of loss, but it is ecstatic in its synesthetic rush, its sublime sense of everything coming on at once. As the song begins, she could be working out a sketch in her childhood bedroom, her voice just above a whisper and hung over rumbling, muted chords.
An intensely physical connection settles into something deeper, and you can hear her fighting off love until her facade starts to crack. When she drops her guard to embrace love in all of its supernatural glory, it feels as bracing as a dip in a frozen lake. SZA baited a new lovestruck generation by presenting herself as a work-in-progress, shamelessly hooked on rash decisions. The song that made Courtney Barnett an indie rock star involves a startlingly detailed narrative about the tension of literally being unable to breathe.
In it, she sets out to garden, and after some small talk about vegetables with a neighbor, she pulls her first weed and quickly has an asthmatic episode. Someone calls an ambulance, and her first thought is about how much this shit is going to cost. It begins with him singing over sunny guitars about an ex-lover, taking bitter swipes at their character.
As the track switches into a woozy trap beat, Frank plunges back into the past. Over yawning synths and brusque, almost-industrial bass, these hip-hop hellions offer a quick peek into the vulnerabilities of the super rich and famous while allowing us to ride the wave of their incomprehensibly lofty egos. Consider our brains eaten.
The proposal is simple and familiar: escape, hand-in-hand, from reality. Fueled by a yearning saxophone riff and colossal drums, Jepsen gleefully repeats her heartfelt invitation until the rest of the world melts away. Propelled to No. Gucci Mane]. Years before their network television debut, Future Islands earned a reputation for playing raucous shows at small clubs.
Channeling the bravado of a Broadway actor, Herring sang to the studio audience as if it were his last chance. Even without the visual, the song is still a triumph. After seven years away, Fiona Apple returned to a world that better understood her, and she did it with music that seemed to better understand itself, too.
On her fourth album, The Idler Wheel You can hear clenched teeth, whitened knuckles, and a throat about to be shred. So she went to work and came back with a hit that made thoughtful use of its key elements: action-movie intensity, a proven flow courtesy of Florida rapper Kodak Black, and a bottomless array of bars that were easy to parrot and pre-baked for captions.
By July, it was in radio rotation. By August, all kinds of fans knew the words. And in September, it was a verified smash, unseating Taylor Swift at No. Her victory was genuinely ground-up and people-driven. That it was possible—or inevitable, and a precursor for more success to come—still feels triumphant.
Then the drive exposes a second, inner tale, of a relationship paved with good intentions but now fraught with misgivings and anxieties. With her lover behind the wheel, Newsom addresses some regrets that haunt the romance, namely her own confusion. This is an effusive ode to her broken-in, ride-or-die, monogamous romance and a swaggy reminder of exactly what will happen to him if he ever messes around.
In the decade since M. Listen: M. How can this guy be this seriously existential—reflecting on magnificence and the hallways of his life—when he hardly seems to be saying anything at all? In , after three years without a major release, FKA twigs shared a note on her absence: six fibroid tumors had grown in her uterus, causing massive swelling and excruciating pain.
For a performer whose force lies in mastery of the self, the medical crisis posed an existential threat: Where to go when the body becomes a site of conflict? Beneath her vocal acrobatics, the lullaby piano warps and degrades without ever changing key, and its three-and-a-half minutes occupy and stretch out the brief tremor we experience when something cherished threatens to break.
I have what you want , the elastic bassline promises. But you need to come a little closer. He preserves the air of cocktail-bar elegance until the last moment, when a distant siren whooshes into the periphery. Some bliss-out tunes adapt easily to your surroundings, scaling down to soundtrack housework or a morning commute. The horror of drone warfare is that it has no constraints. Operated remotely, designed for stealth, and unburdened by national borders or human rights, drones can deliver war at any time, to any place.
Lost within those body counts, mission logs, and intelligence reports are real people. Before that, though, there was Aubrey Graham at the horizon, hungry and eager to prove his prowess. In the fall of , Drake released Nothing Was the Same , which found him at the summit of his powers. Majid Jordan]. It's the most desperately human Koenig has ever sounded, as he clings to the only thing he can still believe in. In , Kanye West was just starting to lean into his heel turn.
Its second single was a self-aware, if not quite repentant, exploration of what it means to be a chronic dickhead. His unbridled, unapologetic id became the governing force of not only his increasingly dodgy career decisions but of the nation, too, so steadily we barely even noticed. Pusha T]. Jamie, like many of his listeners, was barely walking in that era, much less raving. Over gigantic drums and gleaming synthesizers, he unleashes a torrent of horrors pulled straight from the headlines, including but not limited to: police brutality against black people, fake news, the Syrian refugee crisis, the prison industrial complex, and the opioid epidemic.
Had he delivered these realities as a long, sober list, the track would have been too grim, too exhausting. In the early s, Chief Keef was a True Religion jeans-wearing teenager whose main concern was escaping house arrest. With its harsh, gut-wrenching street talk over a Young Chop production that incorporated thudding drums, tinny chimes, and horror-film melodies, the song established drill music as a legitimate hip-hop subgenre. Kanye West would even tap Keef for a remix of the track, which landed on G.
Lil Reese]. There is no more perfect way to describe life than as embarrassing. But embarrassing? What could be more mortifying than living earnestly in a world determined to make a joke out of everything? Ferreira, an L. At one point, he describes the final exchange between a longing crowd and a reticent performer. Later, he finds himself on a hotel bed, tuned in to a muted television.
Even the instrumental, which producer TM88 recorded using an old computer and a Beats Pill, is irresistible. For a while, few took Uzi seriously as a hitmaker. When Lana Del Rey first arrived, she was bored and glamorous, looking by turns like a queen of Old Hollywood and like she was too young to be smoking. Tolling church bells, harp arpeggios, and chilly gasps of electric air swirl around submerged hits, as Lana, low and smooth, sounds self-assured or desperate or even sarcastic.
It was outright depressing, and she made it look good. It will be played endlessly, hopefully in less toxic times—not during rallies, or when a candidate walks onstage, but in quiet moments when we need to reflect, recharge, and rediscover our own beauty. The Japanese-American indie rocker feels the pull of her heritage and the traditions her parents raised her with, and must accept they are incompatible with his. Instead, she offers rougher truths, and none wiser than in this song: Over grandly ringing arena guitars and the kind of distortion that can drown out saner thoughts, Mitski elegantly releases her love, in a sad yet prideful push, valuing herself above tempting conformity.
How did her Captain America take this? Did he object? This song is not about his experience. It was also a YouTube smash before the industry knew what to do with those. And although her personal controversies have largely overshadowed her music by now, this singular track can still raze anything that dares get in its way. On December 27th, , in the thin air of a commercial airliner flying back to Los Angeles, Frank Ocean typed a few hundred words that slowly darkened the glow of a laptop screen.
They told the story of his first love—a man—and that nameless summer longing that whistles through us all. Supreme Court would strike down the ban on same-sex marriage, but just days before he surprise-released his official debut, Channel Orange. I can hear the sky falling, too. We all have that one summer, that one love that altered the course of our lives. Though the song was thoroughly and specifically for and about black women and their unseen labor, the whole world was quick to rally behind another Bey hit.
But it will live on as a reminder of the slow, persistent, daily work of organizing and the power of resilience and protest—the importance of holding grief, anger, hope, and pride side by side. It is a place where you strap on headphones like armor and try to block out humanity. But everything changed for a few minutes on the night of March 8, Vincent to Taylor Swift to worshipfully follow.
In the seven years since Grimes released her breakout hit, increasingly outlandish cycles of outrage have engulfed the Canadian singer, songwriter, and producer born Claire Boucher. Most recently, it was her loyalty to a future A. Endurance, it assures, will ensure a more positive tomorrow. Fighting is the only way we know forward. It was around the time people became tragically familiar with names like Freddie Gray and Sandra Bland, and when nine black people were shot and killed inside of a historic church in Charleston, South Carolina.
As a cornerstone of the BlackLivesMatter canon, the song seemed like a beacon of light ushering us away from terror. You could argue that things are worse now than they were then, that its hope was misplaced. It is a defense mechanism, pining for an aspirational future—maybe even a nonexistent one—as it helps us cope with our chaotic present. For the entire s, from Section. Pitchfork Radio. Sugar Trap. Scorpio Music. Boy Better Know Entertainment. Quality Control. Dirty Hit. Again, information is ordered in a certain way.
And again, any financial exchange and all labour occurs prior to p2p distribution, an investment on the part of those who rip the content. The average run for a vinyl 12" in 8 Rip crews should not be understood as producing all the material circulating on p2p, but they are the source for a significant amount of the niche, limited-run material redistributed there, especially that derived from vinyl and cassette.
Instead of twenty people playing M. And now Piracy Funds Terrorism which stupid people actually think gives the Internet another reason to congratulate itself Gasteier The vinyl artefact though, because, rather than in spite of the difficulties involved in engaging with it, remains talismanic; to claim in p2p environments to possess releases as vinyl is to produce a claim to a high level of involvement, with hopefully an ensuing allocation of status. It is possible to embed imagery within an mp3.
Hence iTunes associates images usually album covers with mp3s, that are then 10 Many releases, though, are limited to copies or less. Populating the Frame 83 displayed on the iPod. Just as different subcultures have different conceptual and aesthetic preoccupations, so they draw on different symbolic codes to express these. Stylistic markers visual, verbal, etc.
As examples of the morbid preoccupations of death metal consider the names of the following Florida bands: Cannibal Corpse, Death, Deicide, Monstrosity, Morbid Angel, Mortician, and Obituary. From here 11! Populating the Frame 85 Note that a request from an Italian speaker 41 is ignored. Identities—such as masculinities—are embodied: in bodies, and in material and discursive practices and processes. Moreover, these are interdependent Connell Populating the Frame 87 [hidgekill] breakdown jeans [cntrlaltdlt] theyre pimp [hidgekill] soft wash [Fboy] pants are a necessity in our modern day society Again, a disregard for conventional norms of self-presentation is espoused.
In the two examples considered above the topic of conversation is style: hair and clothes can be changed. The list of users to the immediate right of this window contains every user in that room. Barring their names, all users also look the same: the logo or brand of the blue Soulseek bird immediately to the left of the name. No offence is taken at nonresponsiveness from the away. A red icon indicates that the user is offline.
The files shared and their organisation gives a good idea of the location of that individual within the sign economy. Thus far, the following terms have been used: participant, interactant, occupant, and user, where each has a slightly different scope. A user is a hypothetical person working through the functions presented by the software. An occupant is a name in a room list, and likewise has certain options available specifically in terms of the relations to other occupants of that room.
The notion of participant implies a social dynamic. Interactant operates at the level of the text itself; a participant may be involved without being active in a specific interaction event. The dramaturgical metaphor, so successfully deployed by Goffman, is sometimes thought of as a somewhat hackneyed rhetorical form: social life is taken as drama.
Particularly indicative in this regard is the username. Williams , b has demonstrated the importance of usernames in the articulation of subcultural identities, specifically in relation to straightedge and the symbology of sXe and X within that subculture. Even intruders intending to annoy the hip-hop fans respect this. They lack tangibility. Users may know each other for a long time and yet know their interaction will always and only be CMC; and that it therefore depends on exogenous contingencies in ways offline co-locational interaction generally does not.
I do not doubt that there is some end point, usually an individual person, behind any given persona, but the orientations of these individuals to the environment and to other users are so diverse that it would be inappropriate to impose phenomenological assumptions from less mediated milieux. The strongest case for such caution comes from the observation that appropriate norms of interaction are not standardised but distributional: this holds particularly for conceptions of appropriate decorum and civility.
These latter norms remain radically contingent, iterative, and open to contestation. Goffman writes: Many gods have been done away with, but the individual himself stubbornly remains as a deity of considerable importance. He walks with some dignity and is the recipient of many little offerings. Because of their status relative to his, some persons will find him contaminating while others will find they contaminate him, in either case finding that they must treat him with ritual care.
Perhaps the individual is so viable a god because he can actually understand the ceremonial significance of the way he is treated, and quite on his own can respond dramatically to what is proffered him. In contacts between such deities there is no need for middlemen; each of these gods is able to serve as his own priest It is this verbosity which is most easily taught and most easily learned, so that words take the place of thought, and nothing can be found behind them.
There is a common perspective or orientation within which technology is depicted as an entropic, out-of-control and possibly malevolent force. Concern is expressed about the transmission of hardcore pornography, atrocity footage from war zones, hate speech; this is an anxiety about uncontrolled information flow, about discourse teaching us more than we want to know about ourselves, or perhaps about certain types of people being able to speak in such ways that we wonder whether we might want that speech regulated.
This anxiety extends out to popular-cultural phenomena in general and has two standard focal points in terms of content, to which consumers are generally thought of as becoming disturbingly inured or desensitised: sex and violence. This is conceptualised as occurring throughout culture, for example where media events such as Britney Spears and Christina Aguilera, or the aggressive marketing of Playboy-branded products to pubescent girls, are seen to be complicit in the sexualisation of childhood Pollet and Hurwitz For example, there is the idea of subcultural style as sensory assault, which from some perspectives is taken as evidence of the triumph of reactionary conservatism rather than emancipatory dialogue, where the ostensibly subversive voice is locked into the enactment of the script of its own, morally casualised defeat.
We can subsume these two concerns under the idea of banalisation: access to certain informational flows is supposed to normalise understandings and representations which are deemed unacceptable and said to devalue human life. Forms of representation are defined as oppressive, offensive, inherently violent and reprehensible.
The morally bankrupt society of the spectacle, paradoxically emergent from the irrational, rationalising democratisation and proliferation of communication, undercuts the universal democratic principles which ostensibly give rise to it. The more information there is, the more incomprehensible it appears, the greater the seeming danger. This process begins with a description, drawing on the techniques and terminology of ethnomethodology, semantic anthropology and ethnographic sociolinguistics, of the organisation of text-based interaction.
The argument is presented in the form of antistrophe, which is to say; it draws initially on material which seems to confirm the suspicion that online interaction tends towards lowest-common-denominator crassness, grossness and obscenity. Thus the line of debate is data-driven throughout, and the material is presented in such a way that individual samples from the data serve as springboards for the discussion of a number of pertinent features of the interaction occurring therein.
We cannot touch the text of CMC, and as digital information it has a certain inherent disposability. However, online communication is also paradoxically enhanced compared to f2f speech: as utterances can be re-examined at a later time, text-based interaction possesses a temporal extension beyond the instantaneity of the spoken word. It may also be considered enhanced compared to conventional writing: as the interlocutor is present, it is dialogic.
Chatroom interaction is, then, evidently different from co-present interaction. It is not speech, though it preserves interactional features of speech. Specifically, Hutchby suggests that the following four constraints, emergent from the medium itself, distinguish CMC from the normative order of everyday f2f spoken interaction : a.
The principal issue in ordering multi-party text-based interaction, therefore, becomes that of establishing and interpreting sequential structure. In Figure 4. There is also echoic interplay between DeathFunk and jesseka. The latter half of line 4 is itself notable in terms of its truncated grammatical form: as adverb- adjective-noun-tag question, the turn invites and gets a response in line with the tag: the question is so structured as to get the conventional answer which it does get, thus belying the ostensibly oppositional nature of the exchange Kiesling Is it a piece of flyting, an exchange of ritual insults between champions, or a piece of fooling, or an elaborate exercise in irony?
Dialogue can be scatological, racist, homophobic, misogynist— in short, abject, but orderly nonetheless. Where we equate the establishment of meaningfulness and orderliness with the exhaustive elaboration of the tacit, the unspoken within the interaction analysed, it may be that the means of accomplishing the task are designated so as to multiply the features of that task interminably Garfinkel The area at which this concern arises is precisely at the opposition between the various distinct binaries represented here: Table 4.
In emic terms, within the field from which the datum is extracted, such dialogue is routine to the point of banality. Thus Garfinkel suggests: An explanation of what the parties were talking about would then consist not of an account of what the parties had intended and not said but entirely of describing how the parties had been speaking; of furnishing a method for saying whatever is to be said, like talking synonymously, talking ironically, talking metaphorically, talking cryptically, talking narratively, talking in a questioning or answering way, lying, glossing, double-talking, and the rest To recognise the form is in this instance to recognise the content, alternatively, we may say that the meaning is not communicated independently of how it is expressed.
In short: meaning is a situated, local, indexical achievement. Thus it comes about that the problem lies not in the supposed elliptical imprecision of the data or faulty assumptions concerning how research is to be conducted, but in the universality of interpretation and the subsequent emergent regress: full reflexivity is achieved; any inquiry into such practices is itself already, a further instance of such practices. To present these arguments and this data in this form is to privilege a certain episteme or way of knowing; it is to say that explaining these things in this way is of value in itself over and above other activities and other ways of explaining or knowing.
Whilst such a focus is certainly necessary, there is a danger that idiolectal agency may be overemphasised at the expense of social meaning and intelligibility themselves. It is difficult to imagine how meaning could be abandoned: an account which renders the how of expression the only appropriate topic for analysis reduces meaning to expression, and thereby merely defers meaning. After all: if the meaning of the dialogue in question is evident in terms of its expression, why should it be talked about at all?
Garfinkel is not wrong to urge attention to the means of expression, but he gives the game away in implying that there is something distasteful about the protean indeterminacy and inexhaustibility of meaning. Interactants known to each other sometimes engage in stylised trolling routines, but the term is generally applied to exchanges between strangers.
Either here or from primanimus. Whilst it might seem that the abab rule is broken or rendered breakable by this lag, this is not the case. Participants orient to the lag automatically, making sense of the way in which adjacency-pair order is disrupted by, effectively, maintaining two or more conversations at once.
This can be shown in the following way: Figure 4. The boundaries are different: this does not mean that there are no boundaries. Notably, such interaction must be situated in its subcultural context. There is of course some overlap here—not all adversarial interactants are male, and not all supportive interactants are female.
For illustrative purposes, the two styles may be neatly contrasted with reference to the following exchange. From one perspective, much of this verbal combat stops being funny, and takes up space that would otherwise be given over to something else. However, close attention to detail precludes the formulation of generalisations.
With joking activity … this paradoxical message is very commonly carried out by the use of the same aggressive, hostile formulaic devices found in use in real arguments—i. They were and still are conceived as a breach of the established norms of verbal address; they refuse to conform to conventions, to etiquette, civility, respectability.
These elements of freedom, if present in sufficient numbers and with a precise intention, exercise a strong influence on the entire contents of speech, transferring it to another sphere beyond the limits of language. The marketplace crowd was such a collectivity, especially the festive, carnivalesque crowd at the fair Bakhtin This is to be seen among those who consider themselves of high breeding, or are proud. Just as they invent and delight in everything of the nature of outward apparel, so do they also in the case of vows and oaths … Strange vows and swear-words invented by them are already so common that they may be found daily in the mouth of any ribald or rascal you please cited in Owst The frontstage behaviour language can be taken as the absence and in some sense the opposite of this Goffman It is adapted here as a contrast to the shitless voice of authority discussed by Eagleton Each is named for the speech genre it repudiates.
Such gaming rituals have numerous historical precedents. Levine goes on to mention the following ritual insult forms as being common during colonial times amongst the Gusii of West and East Africa ibid. Copulate with your mother! Child of mixed sperm Look at your mother with three corns in her vagina! Note the indeterminacy as to what the attribute X is. The insult is successful precisely to the extent that it violates these norms.
Dollard writes: The themes about which joking is allowed seem to be those most condemned by our social order in other contexts. Allegations are made that the person addressed by the speaker has committed incest, or that the speaker has taken liberties with the mother or sister of the one addressed; accusations of passive homosexuality are made, it is suggested that the cleanliness taboos have been broken, cowardice is alleged, and defects of the person of the one addressed, such as stupidity, crossed eyes, or inferiority, are played upon Dollard This indirectional form has the added bonus of seemingly ignoring the target.
The judicious use of the quote successfully pre-empts the possibility of a similar return from mech: it is itself such a return. The use of the quote implies the boast that k5k elicited it. To use such a quote where another player had gotten it from mech would be a sort of plagiarism potentially diminishing to k5k. Such quotation is commonplace in multi-party interaction: one may commonly quote a turn of another co-participant when, for instance, it is a question one is answering, one is seeking clarification as to the meaning or intended recipient of the turn quoted, one intends through such quotation to ridicule the statement quoted, one wishes to express agreement with the sentiment of the statement quoted, or one is making an accusation of inconsistency through demonstrating that an opponent has shifted position in an argument.
One may also, of course, quote conversations going on elsewhere, or previous conversations of those who are absent and present. In one instance, a sort of reverberating duel occurred based on reprising or echoing the most grotesque or offensive quotes the participants had in their arsenals individual quotes of this kind, and sometimes whole conversations, are also reproduced in user info and on external sites. Or perhaps k5k was trying to engineer an opportunity to reproduce the quote.
Either way, mech inquires as to whether it is indeed he being questioned and therefore his mother under discussion had mech responded differently, it would have been difficult for k5k to deploy the quote at this stage. Collins argues that: It is possible for individuals to set out to dominate situations, insult others, have jokes at their expense, even drive them out of the situation and the group. But situational prestige goes to the person who does this by keeping to the normal forms of ritual interaction.
A successful insult is one that is done within the expectable flow of conversational moves, inserting double meanings so that on one level it remains appropriate. Put-downs and one- upmanship are successful when the onus for breaking the smooth playing out of the interaction goes to the recipient, who incurs dishonor either by being unable to shoot back a smooth and appropriate reply, or by breaking the frame entirely with an angry outburst Ludic maledicta is practiced by numerous social groups—Allan and Burridge provide, for instance, a number of examples drawn from a Canadian gay community , Wajnryb reports that the practice is also found among Australian Aboriginal English speakers It is a common and largely correct assumption that those most often subject to social research are those least able to fend off social researchers, usually on account of their relative material deprivation in-depth research on the wealthy and powerful is rather rare.
To raise this point is not to take issue with the claim that ritual insult in the forms considered here does seem to be derived from African-American tradition. As a result of anonymity and lack of social control on the internet and its origins in a culture of young, male computer users, internet humor is quite coarse Kuipers The purpose of ritual insults is, after all, to get a laugh Kelley Profanations are to be expected, for every religious ceremony creates the possibility of a black mass In Shitmat material was released on Aural Addiction, a label co-owned by blaerg.
Insult exchange sequences and the insults which constitute them are idiomatic. As an interactional genre, verbal games such as insult exchange do not possess direct or transparent referentiality. But I want to argue further, now going in the opposite direction to prove the same point.
It has been argued thus far that there are cases where the meaning of the words does not give us the meaning of their being said in their specific contexts. What the words say is not equivalent to what they are being used to do. Their interminably reverberating use is again intended to indicate studied masculine disregard towards bourgeois discursive conventions.
Use of expletives is therefore often an articulation of macho defiance, in terms of the attitude exhibited towards both the referent of the utterance and the sensibilities of the recipient, and can furthermore be characterised as verbicidal. Such terms demonstrate the vestigial traces of oral culture; illustrating the original conception of malediction as word-magic.
The anachronistic scarlet woman, for instance, has long lost its associations with the papacy and become associated with the meaning of whore more or less exclusively. As religious belief diminishes, identity-based insults grounded in religion devil, heathen lose their power, coming ultimately to be replaced by racial and national insults such as nigger, paki, frog, yid, mick, etc.
The term depreciates from a religious xenophobically formulated: Bulgarian here referred to a member of the Orthodox Church to a sexual sense, and then becomes casualised into general use. The taboo moves from the religious, to the 1 A conception, Brottman points out, which survives today in the laws of libel That which is most taboo generates the most effective swearing the most offensive terms in the taboo lexis currently are probably cunt and nigger.
The terms in question may be characterised as shibboleths, as our orientation to them reveals something of our own social location. In the first example to be considered, the intention is to explore the meaningfulness of a particularly sensitive term, through exploring the boundary conditions between serious and nonserious use and showing how these conditions are contextually signalled. In the second example, which follows in the next chapter, a further purpose is served: there the term examined is the most basic constituent element of ritual insult exchange, and moreover plays a fundamental role in the elaboration of heterosexual masculinity.
Terms are subject to verbicidal depreciation, but can be reinvested with semantic weight where the intent behind them is felt to be forcefully hurtful. Repetition is a key issue: the terms under consideration are used again and again, with nuances elaborated and prioritised in varying ways according to context. Another fundamental issue is therefore one of milieu, serving as a determinant of how and what may and may not be said.
It therefore allows us to explore the limits of verbicidal use, where pragmatics has ostensibly overcome semantics. It is not the universal form for a greeting, but it is unremarkable. Where the lexical is represented through spelling, double-marking occurs , so as to signal that the terms in question are being used and understood as components of subcultural, dialectal speech acts There are countless hip-hop illustrations of this form, such as the Tupac Shakur album title Strictly 4 My N.
However, terms of endearment may be hierarchical where their usage is nonreciprocal or asymmetric, and hierarchical language use has been of longstanding interest to sociologists and sociolinguists. Conventionally, such use of my signifies a continuum, ranging from affection to patronisation. This production of hierarchy through my is also evident in designations such as my Lady or my Lord.
Sensi] gunshotremix [Mr. Sensi] yes? Note that jesusaurus offers Mofo- whatever he wants from his own share in return, with the caveat that his connection is slow. Mofo- is playing with the use of the term, but not querying its use. The incident is inconsequential but all the more telling for it. It is asserting a refusal to be bound to a particular, contentious subcultural argot. Crucially, questioning the use of the term can be interpreted as an aspect of status conflict.
I want my buddy to feel that I am his buddy, in a relation of mutual reciprocity and regard. The proprietary use of my is distinguishable from nigga status ascription, though articulated with it in such instances.
Ought such deployments be characterised as linguistic appropriations, racist in effect if not in intent? Might the refusal of these deployments be identitarian? Does condemning such uses of nigga, or describing them as incidents of CRAAVE, depend on an anterior— racialising and homogenising—idea of AAVE speakers as a unitary, bounded and cohesive social grouping?
The norms and expectations in operation on Soulseek tend not to negatively sanction the expression of perspectives which would be unacceptable in many other settings. To make these points is to gesture towards the ambivalent position of this textual voice in terms of the distinction between shitless discourse and coprolalia. As it happens, interaction of a sort which I initially found disturbing on Soulseek has come to seem banal, though sustained trolling can still sometimes be off-putting.
My own sensibilities have at times been offended, and this would seem to align this text along with the formalistic, bourgeois voice and register which I have been arguing opposes itself to the nonserious heteroglossia of chatroom interaction. I am acutely aware that my description of such an exchange can be subject to the same sort of analysis I am subjecting the datum to, and perhaps found insensitive.
I am aware also of the general ethnomethodological precept, that describing the situation is also in some sense creating it as a situation of the sort described. I am not only using elements of distasteful racist discourse to demonstrate a point about the contextual variability of linguistic meaning, nor should the argument be taken as suggesting that racism may be reduced to a semantic issue.
The prevalence of these markers in subcultural discourses, online and off, necessitates their analysis and discussion. Whilst meaning is context-dependent, its interpretation is also situated: as shibboleths, the terms characteristic of such exchanges shed light on the orientations of the audience to their use. This is the only incident in the ragga jungle room corpus where the term nigger is used.
The limits of this casualness are demonstrated: the joke is obviously not rendered acceptable to those in the room for having been so modified. The use of such terms in this context is an affront to the face-wants of the room regulars, a provocative failure to pay proper respect. This, his exit sequence, is remarkable for a number of reasons. It is tempting to speculate as to which category ragga jungle room JE use might lie in. The intensity of these statements lies in the severity of their understatement also noteworthy in this regard is the parallel absence of JE markers.
WhereMyBrapAt asks the question precisely to invite such assessment—the question is so phrased as to express distaste. Both sides to the interaction seek strategically to impose their own meanings and their own implicit political perspectives. The moral is correlated with, assigned to, or imposed upon the meaning; the interactional order of sense-making is shown to be a normative order. By highlighting the idiosyncrasies of particular speech communities communities unable to repel the incursions of the researcher , the middle-class sociolinguist presents these idiosyncrasies, their interpreted meanings and their imputed functions in a formal setting far removed from their point of origin, reifying them in the process: profanity is always delimited by social context.
Although the verbal content is far from arbitrary it is only in certain contexts that the relevant words are thought to be shocking, and it is always the situation of profanity, rather than the words as such, which generates excitement … it is always the situation rather than the lexicon which decides whether or not any particular expression is or is not a profanity and the gravity of that profanity Leach This is notoriously true of scholarly writing, as Miller asserts: Such is the strangeness of the academic world that it is not at all unusual to take being understood as a sign that one was not subtle enough, was too simple, too reductionistic, or just too dumb to see the real complexity that 14 Labov distinguished between verbosity and verbality: the former is the ability to maintain dialogue without actually saying anything; the latter is the capacity to express oneself effectively in words.
Verbosity, of course, is in some circumstances an extremely useful skill Andersson and Trudgill For it is few of us indeed who do not so fear the humiliation of appearing too slow to comprehend the difficult that we are not willing to risk the lesser humiliation of finding the obfuscatory and obscure brilliant For this reason, a succinct piece of coprolalia may be preferable to a long-winded piece of shitlessness. This is so at both a broadly discursive and a narrowly linguistic level: A learned vocabulary has two functions: first, it has the communicative function of giving expression to ideas—including important, difficult, or recondite ideas; secondly, it has a social function of conferring prestige upon its users and arousing respect and awe among those who do not understand it Hayakawa and Hayakawa The intention here is not to praise the supposedly transgressive voice here subsumed under the name of coprolalia, but rather to demonstrate how discursive transgression is contested depending on its content and context.
The previous chapter commenced, and this chapter concluded, with adversarial episodes: jesseka in the Breakcore room, and hyper et al. But this effect is achieved through distinct means in each case: in the former there is agreement as to what is going on, how it is being achieved, and why, in the latter the meaning of events and the terms in which events are produced are themselves contested.
This is a consequence of the trolling styles of the incomers in each case and the conversational resources thereby deployed. We are so feel annoyed about these things. I just need permission or something that able to kick or ban someone who do like that from our Thai room … I always online, see many conversations they talked about and know someone who always spamming.
Just need some help or some advice v0rvii I dont know if there has already been a topic about this but I would like to bring to the ateention of the soulseek moderatorsz the ongoing problem in the House Music Lovers Room. I have been a member of soulseek for almost a year now and have noticed this and have been told by other users that it has been going on longer than this. Can something please be done to stop this user as it frustrates hundreds of users daily in the House Music Lovers Room.
The argument presented was that, pace Garfinkel, meaning resides wholly neither in what is said nor in how it is said. The discussion then situated incidents of trolling and insult exchange as speech-play events of a particularly adversarial style, characterised by their verbicidal dependence on obscenity. Individual data have been approached as simultaneities. The intention is to show how seemingly mundane events can be shown to resonate in multiple keys.
An etymological particle in a semantic economy, it is both material and ideological; its implications impinge upon both pragmatics use and ethics exchange. The word on occasion appears almost to speak for itself. It is our logophilic residue, our record of history, of the poignant weight of discourse on corporeality and the contingencies of embodiment.
The point is to show how semantic density is given to, and withdrawn from, the word, because through this process meaningfulness may be given to, and taken from, the world. Coprolalia can be shown to utilise double-talking indirection, there is a continuous tension between serious and nonserious statements and interpretations.
Ritual insult exchanges are only exceptionally mis read personally—they are implicitly understood as a ludic speech genre. Similarly, nigga as an element in ritual greetings and respectful requests is generally read as such, and yet remains open to periodic questioning, where the latter can reframe the subcultural- linguistic register functioning in the locale.
Online interaction is demonstrably orderly, in terms of the sequence through which that interaction is expressed, achieved and interpreted, and in terms of the conversational repertoires available to co-participants and the anterior terms of their selection. This further situates the discursive violence so characteristic of chatroom discourse particularly, misogyny, racism and homophobia. In previous chapters, the idea that the extracts presented contained sexism and homophobia as well as racism was only peripherally addressed; in what follows this focus shifts.
The terms under consideration mobilise and normalise a particular conception of micropolitical relations, a topology of normative masculinity. Through continuing the strategy of exploring ritualised exchanges and the shibboleths which mark them as such, it will become possible to highlight aspects of the accomplishment of a cohesive identity in the locale under consideration.
In keeping with the simultaneities approach, as this movement is traced towards music, we will move away from instances of adversarial coprolalia, and towards examples of an alternative interactional style oriented more towards collaborative competition: the latter will be characterised, following Ong , as the adversative. The adversative is arguably distinguishable from pure adversarial coprolalia such as trollery as a matter of degree rather than kind, nonetheless, the adversative is more common to co-participants familiar to each other and with the local conversational priorities and routines, and is associated with more complex forms of word-play than those found in adversarial coprolalia.
The primary element in coprolalia is shock-tactic obscenity, whilst in adversative exchange; sophisticated confrontational wit broadly defined dominates. This distinction, however, is subsidiary to the overall argument being propounded. As an interactional style, the adversative ceremonial has long been the dominant mode in formerly all-male academic interaction, rhetoric and oratory, as evinced in agonic Socratic dialogue Ong , Tannen The joke is the topic of a documentary of the same name.
Following this, in section 6. In Chapter Seven, the specifically masculinist properties of the adversative as a fratriarchal idiom are explored, through a discussion of the use of the term gay. The distinct homosocial properties of the alternate ghey formulation are then outlined and related to local conceptions of normative heterosexual identity and authenticity.
Perhaps the best way to elaborate the distinction between coprolalia and adversative style is to return to cohorts we have previously considered. The following extract is, chronologically, the next time in the transcript in which k5k and mech interact. This exchange sets the scene for what follows.
Through this, status leverage is generated for, and by, blaerg and k5k. This is the essence of adversative exchange: to create consensus or solidarity within or across a group of speakers so as to oppose it to others: ostensibly conflictual speech acts serve to engender homosocial bonding Kiesling We shall return to this libidinal-economy reading shortly.
The interpretive lacuna between mech, on the one hand, and, this time, pbf and elementabuse, on the other, is also evident: there is a strong sense in which mech serves as a scapegoat to the group. However, there is a rather more sour aspect to the adversative mode which it would be disingenuous to omit.
The behaviour is such that in any other social context it would express and arouse hostility; but it is not meant seriously and must not be taken seriously. There is a pretence of hostility and a real friendliness. In its anthropological use the term is commonly attributed to specific kinship relations.
Challenging incomers has the function not only of maintaining the cohesiveness of the group through policing membership , but also boosting the status of the challenger within the group. Innocuous, polite incomers, often with innocent queries, can end up serving as grist to an adversative status mill they had little cause to anticipate. This feature of the adversative is something which is shared with the coprolalia exchanges considered previously. The difference is of direction and orientation.
This is evident when we consider failed sequences, where the challengee—unlike, say, jesseka, later on the same day—does not successfully engage. Labo] why are you so bastird? Labo] ahaha : Exchanges such as this show that it is not only possible to be rude without being obscene, but also that obscenity can actually obscure rudeness. Disagreement with an other serves to enact the shared priorities and boundedness of the room. This sort of denigration does not constitute ludic insult exchange of the sort considered previously.
This would have occurred at some stage between lines 79 and 82 being entered. Consider the subject positions assumed within the dialogue. This is rather different from coprolalia as ludic maledicta, but it is not all that uncommon. Though new to the room, it is unlikely that mcvicar is new to this interactional style in contrast with AntiCorporate Manifeso.
The idiom is also encountered musically, with the repetition and manipulation of audio samples of expletives; this sociolinguistic transgression is multi-modal. Lines , with which the datum closes, give us an insight into the primacy of the text, of the inscribed word, and of the capacity to dominate signal. Hellfish has similarly explored a single sample of the word motherfucker. He has also released an album, Battyboy Soundclash, featuring complex, politically oriented sequencing of hip-hop, dancehall, jungle and metal.
The idiom is remarkable, and bears comparison with the use of other key words generally taken to indicate social position. In this regard, the French phrase faux pas as used in English is exemplary: the assertion of inappropriateness is issued via code-switching.
We also have bon mots in this regard, and numerous other terms derived from French. These are socially differentiated ways of speaking—it is not just that French is another language, faux pas, bon mots and denouement are aspects of English vernacular within distinguishable language communities: shibboleths, albeit marking a different social formation. For instance, there is the language code of junglists, an organised communicative mode both dialectal and musicological , subjectable to critique from those local to its community of use.
Porn is often spelt pr0n. Pwns and pwned for owns and owned apparently originate in the online Quake-playing community, typos institutionalised in cultural orthography to own is to psychologically dominate, to master. Variability in usage Each group will have its favourite jargon, its ritualized utterances The use or non-use of emotes is one major dialect boundary—what I suppose we could call an isocybe It is in face a perfectly normal manoeuvre, especially when real content is lacking, for a group to look in on itself, and start talking about how it talks Crystal It is thus doubly adversative insofar as it establishes a hierarchy of competent readers.
Ethnomethodological bootstrapping itself, therefore, is a socially regulated form of dialogical knowledge production of the sort it seeks itself to explicate. This is particularly the case where the focus is on language use, which does not just refer or point to norms, actions etc. For instance, statements made about the file- sharing imperative serve as manifestations of that imperative, they demonstrate it at the same time that they are it.
In the fratriarchal order the feminine mother is symbolically rejected, yet the law of the father is not yet fully re- established. The issue here is not strictly about sex and sexuality, but about hierarchy, dominance, contest and control.
Sexuality merely provides the ritual language through which these issues are articulated. The idea is that of applying Garfinkel to himself: what he is saying; how he is saying it. Thus what Garfinkel or anyone else is saying varies according to how he is taken as saying it, and can be pressed into ostensibly contradictory services—as it actually has been.
Analogously, cribdeath et al. As an interactional style, the adversative can demonstrably be deployed with reference to any topic or resource. A remarkable feature of the adversative, though, is its iterative role in re-producing normative masculinity. By considering the use of gay we get at the empirically witnessable gendering of interaction.
Whilst the distinction between gay and ghey is highly informative, to explore and order gradations between them in similar fashion would underplay the inbuilt expansiveness of gay. Neither is nigga a derivative from nigger in a form analogous to that in which ghey is a derivative from gay.
An accusation of homosexuality is the most likely insult to be directed at a male by another male Preston and Stanley In the corpus, gay appears almost exclusively as a wholly negative signifier. Gay signifies total disgust and exhaustion. Clearly, RamonesGrrl is a possibly female incomer, who does not enter dialogue again beyond line 5, thereby demonstrating how occupation of some discursive positions forecloses the possibility of speaking from other positions.
In the face of the in-group adversative banter of the room regulars, there is little scope for outsiders to engage. Ong is instructive in this regard, when he suggests that: Women can be present at the competition, for in a sense women are what it is all about: the male must prove his masculinity in the presence of women, though also, and indeed even more, in the presence of fellow males, to show by contest with them in their masculinity that he is freed from woman to the maximum This is an interesting variation on what Dundes et al.
Reynolds furnishes an account of similar attacks on Amsterdam from Rotterdam As Dundes et al. Through the end of the sequence—particularly lines , we again see the issue of anal receptiveness elaborated. Similarly, in Greco-Roman culture, sexual relations—always conceived in terms of the model act of penetration, assuming a polarity that opposed activity and passivity—were seen as being of the same type as the relationship between a superior and a subordinate, an individual who dominates and one who is dominated, one who commands and one who complies, one who vanquishes and one who is vanquished.
Pleasure practices were conceptualized using the same categories as those in the field of social rivalries and hierarchies: an analogous agonistic structure, analogous oppositions and differentiations, analogous values attributed to the respective roles of the partners. From here it is a short step to the perspective according to which, as Gallop indicates, the anal-erotic aspect of heterosexuality can be productively understood as anal-sadistic: phallic sexual theory, male sexual science, is homosexual, a sexuality of sames, of identities excluding otherness.
Heterosexuality, once it is exposed as an exchange of women between men, reveals itself as a mediated form of homosexuality. Moreover, fuckee has greater specificity in this context, for fucked, as subject to verbicide, has numerous nonsexual connotations for instance, of being conned, intoxicated, inoperable etc.
Gay, then, moves from the adversative homosocial characteristic imputed to kokainum, through anal receptivity via Ville Valos, into generalised negative dismissal via numerous pop- culture icons including the local subcultural priority and its practitioners , and finally into the coprolalic, grotesque-realist exploration of sexual mechanics around a cartoon character.
This character substitution originated in hacker culture. The disjunctive lacuna of nonspecification of role in the anal-erotic transaction is drawn on for comic effect. Again fucker and fuckee status are underscored: where DeathFunk does not want to anally penetrate a woman , this is reductively rendered so as to logically entail gayness anal-erotic receptivity.
The problematics of masculinity, gayness and anal eroticism are here directly related to the social situations of participants, and to their creative involvement in cultural production. These linkages, emergent in the dialogue, render an account of fratriarchal masculinity and its discursive elaboration imperative. It is precisely the absurd cultural overdetermination of sexual orientation which is glimpsed through the convolutions and contortions sexuality is subjected to in the data.
Conventionally, anal receptivity transgresses the classification systems through which male heterosexual identity is established—the latter identity requires the former practice as constitutive contrast class. Yet labelling something as gay is not reducible to rendering it even as effeminate, it does not, strictly speaking, even imply castigating the object so named as homosexual. Gay in masculinist discourse, like the generic use of faggot, proliferates beyond sexual prohibition.
From the queer theoretical perspective, therefore, the constitution of heterosexuality is directionally refigured, and this provides a crucial insight into the status of gay and similar terms. These castigations ostensibly challenge the heterosexual masculinity of their targets, but also extend into sexually non-specific dismissal. Master-Blaster are mutually reliant, each cannot function without the other. In both instances, male friendship is expressed through a puerile, homoerotic idiom.
However, this is only at an abstract discursive level: it is precisely the forbidden desirability of the ghey which makes it cool. Numbr approves the alternate formulation, offering an even more elaborate alternative : the potential challenge of gay is neutralised by its reformulation as ghey.
In such deployments, ghey has greater purchase—more nuance—as a descriptor than gay. Again, ghey is reflexively applicable and acceptable, as evinced by lines , and Needless to say, dominants ascribe T to their subordinates and receive V in return. We have similarly differentiated in-group reciprocal my nigga status ascription and supplicant nigga self-ascription by subordinates such as in requests for user list status , and in so doing, considered the production of hierarchy within groups.
We may tentatively say that self-ascription of ghey status is a type of ritual deference enacted by subordinates. Moreover, reciprocal ascription and assumption of ghey status among insiders is acceptable, while outsiders may be challenged with gay. In this extract, the link indicated is even more explicit: bragging about sex and breakcore are equivalent. What then.. YOu think about it!!!!!! The most important feature of the episode is the elaboration of the relationship between gay and ghey which timeheater provides.
BC brings this issue up ; eliciting the response from timeheater laid out over lines , and The practice is also instantiated in the titles of innumerable breakcore and breakcore-related tracks and releases, of which the following are examples: 38core, A-Core, Anarcore, Bland Core, Beijing Operacore, Bowelcore, Brokecore, Catcore, Cheapcore, Childcore, Ciastcore, Crunkcore, Dadcore, Deathcore, Dubcore, Eleventhirtydietcokebreakcore, Fakecore.
Catholicism is a subset of Christianity such that the two are non-equivalent a Christian may instead be, for instance, a Protestant. Gay is then a subset of ghey, and it would be incorrect to assert that all predicated as ghey Christian are equivalent to all and only that which is predicable as gay Catholic. Thus, the ghey is not necessarily gay, for there is an unspecified inference class of analogues to for example Protestantism, things or people that are ghey but not gay.
Note that one may safely infer that gayness is axiomatically ghey a Catholic cannot not be a Christian. Their conclusion is commonly signalled by such moves to re-establish the heteronormative order. It is neither here nor there, it refutes binary logic.
In demonstrating the norms, transgression reiterates them; this is so whether the dialogue refers to or instantiates conceptions of gender, sexual or ethnic identity. Subversion is something of a misnomer in this context and transgression is therefore preferable, because the implications of subversion are that it is always rebellious, emancipatory etc..
Subversion requires antecedent political commitments to be recognised as such. In the fratriarchal domain, these transgressive enactments are generally not subversive. The most generous interpretation would perhaps be that whilst they sometimes seem to subvert the patriarchal voice of authority, they do so through the simultaneous enforcement of a normative subcultural fratriarchal law. Fratriarchal coprolalia can be uproarious, ambiguous, transgressive, disorderly, unruly, etc.
It undermines official language by mocking it, em-bawdying it … Carnival laughter challenges traditional concepts of logic and identity. It is ambivalent in that it affirms and denies at once … its principal manifestation is the masquerade, in which masks destabilise identities in general and masked surrogates for high figures are ritually degraded and deprived of their official identities Instances such as these are amongst the rare occasions when we see the rigidity of the norms of fratriarchal masculinity parodied.
Frequenting Wal- Mart, especially in sweatpants, is considered absolutely an abased activity. Another common source for grind vocal samples, incidentally, is pornography thus a distinction is drawn between pornogrind and goregrind. I have suggested that the sorts of interaction under consideration have an abject character, and that this is associated with their ritual transgression of the middle class politeness criteria.
The abject is then ritually and continually deployed, dramatised, enacted, as an element of transgressive opposition. The grotesque, violent, and physically gross enacts and polices the border between self and Other, but serves also as a medium for ridiculing the norms of patriarchal respectability. Ghey controls, and therefore both of their experience e.
Young formulates bourgeois respectability thusly: Respectable behavior is preoccupied with cleanliness and propriety, meticulous rules of decency. Rules govern minute aspects of everyday behavior concerning bodily function and the arrangement of the environment. The body should be clean in all respects, and cleaned of its aspects that betoken its fleshiness—fluids, dirt, smells. The environment in which respectable people dwell must also be clean, purified: no dirt, no dust, no garbage, and all signs of bodily function—eating, excreting, sex, birthing—should be hidden behind closed doors.
Bourgeois morality created a sphere of individual privacy, where the respectable individual would be alone with his or her body, taking care, bringing it under control and making it ready for public view. Respectable behavior involves keeping the body covered and not exhibiting its functions: so strict norms govern how to eat, silently, with no belching, burping or farting.
Stereotypically, as Lupton indicates, losers or nerds are represented as: invariably male, usually in their late adolescence or early adulthood … social misfits and spectacularly physically unattractive … Lack of social contact has exacerbated their inability to communicate face-to-face with others, and a poor diet and lack of fresh air and exercise does little to improve their complexions or physique What makes a grasp of this vital is that gaming experience and music production alongside p2p activity involve protracted periods of time in front of a computer.
The intersections between fratriarchy, identity, technology, politics, and the rigidly masculine musical form of gabber are well described by Gilbert and Pearson, who argue that gabber is characterized by jackhammer beats occasionally exceeding beats per minute and rarely possesses anything discernible in the way of melody or rhythmic variation. The mountain remains unclimbed, the woman un-fucked; it is phallomorphism, but phallomorphism without the aim of mastery over woman Ghey This exchange effectively indicates the relationship between long-term computer use and bedroom producer masculinity.
The abject character of this form of masculinity is evident in the pre-emptive self- dismissal which specialised musical and technical knowledge is subject to, both in dialogue as shown above , and in the themes, samples and titles of musical works.
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